Written Sources of Sudanese Beliefs

Tue, 17 Apr 2018



Dr. Ali al Daw

Abstract:

This article is about the written sources of Sudanese beliefs as it has been classified by folklore scholars. It explores the written sources of beliefs in Saints, their legends and the mediation between earth and heaven that most Africans believe into. It also discusses the belief in Zar cult, magic practice, kujur, and other kinds of ritual leaders and native medicine.

Many Beliefs in Sudan are also found in other African communities and even in other areas outside Africa, specifically non Muslim’s communities. But, the article begins with discussing the definitions of belief as a concept and then it concludes with an operational definition for that concept.

Introduction

Sufis: The Saints, Devotees

The Zār Cult

The Magic Practice

al-Kujñr and Sheikh al- 'Āda

Native Medicine

Concussion

Footnotes

 

Introduction:

This article discusses first the concept of belief, and then it reviews the previous literature on beliefs in Sudan following the classification suggested by al – Jawhari, though the article suggests adding the belief in music and its instruments as music has a tremendous effect on listeners and players.

The article also contains discussions on Sufi and their mediation between man and his God which is well known phenomena among African believers.   In this respect, the article also speaks about the magic practice, the Kujur of the Nuba Mountains and Sheikh al ‘Aada of the Blue Nile Area. Finally, the article discusses the kinds of treatments of native medicine: the empirical treatment and the psychotherapeutic treatment.

Sufis: The Saints, Devotees :

Part of the previous literature about beliefs in Sudanese folklore is that dealing with Saints, Devotees, Sufi leaders, and their legends. Despite the extraordinary deeds mentioned in these legends, the adherents and followers believe in their trueness and use them to prove the serviceability of their leaders and the strength of their correlations to God. The character of the Wali (Saint) is not only respected and honored by his followers, but they also obey him and execute his commands.

One of the earliest works of literature in this context is kitāb al- ðabagāt written by Ibn ˆayfalla. Yñsuf Fa¼l asan, who edited its text, thinks it is one of the earlier Sudanese Arabic books that has been written about the history of that period, and it may be the only reference that deals with the diffusion of Islamic-Arab culture to Sudan[1].The importance of such a statement exists in the reality that the Islamic-Arab culture is one of the major cultural components for the majority of Sudan inhabitants. The belief-entries this culture contains are directly reflected in the behavior patterns and ways of thinking of the great majority of the Sudanese, specifically inhabitants of cities and urban settings. Here, the State and its statutes emanating from that culture is dominant, and here is the existence of Muslim merchants and Arab emigrants through whom the first fruits of the Islamic mission had slipped on their hands.

Kitāb al-ðabagāt contains the story of Ismā'Ìl Ibn Maki al-Daqlāshi (SāÊib al-Rabbāba: (the owner of the lyre) and what had been believed in music at that period of time. MuÊammad 'Abdal ay thinks that the points of resemblance between the myth of Aurfiyaus and that of Ismā'Ìl SāÊib al-Rabbāba are quite significant. For him, both are poets and musicians, winded by an unusual magical power used to control the world. That power has a metaphysical dimension which was manifested in Aurfiyaus's Sufi religion[2]. But what has not been mentioned in 'Abdal ay's interpretation is that: the nucleus of that power which winded the two mentioned poets was the 'music' symbolized by the lyre in both: the myth of Aurfiyaus and the legend of Ismā'Ìl.

The relationship between the Saint and his followers has been clearly explained by Yñsuf Fa¼l asan who thinks that the rally of the adherents believe in the Saint's violation that may cause execration and damage to them and to their children. Some of them think that the shaikh, and due to blessing given to him, is the best mediator between the servant of God and his Lord. This blessing person is able to rescue or intercede for those who use him as a means[3].

Mediation in African's belief-systems in general has also been mentioned by many other writers: Trimingham in two of his books, the Influence of Islam upon Africa[4] and Islam in the Sudan[5]; Sayyid H. Hurreiz[6] who thinks that such a factor is common between African religious followers and those who follow Islam in Sudan; and 'Ali al-ˆaw[7] who tried to explain how such a correlation is so strong between belief-notions and pentatonic scales in African musical cultures.

It has also been mentioned by: Abdallah Al-Tayib[8] and Samia El Nagar[9] who spoke about al- Fakki: a religious person who memorizes the Qurān and teaches others at the khalwa or masÌd (a Qurānic school), and at the same time can be one of the Saints who are believed to perform extraordinary things or cure some diseases, specifically that related to Jinn-touch; Ahmed Abdel Rahim Nasr[10] and MuÊammad Hārñn Kāfi[11] who spoke about al- kujñr; Wāza[12] magazine and 'Ali al-ˆaw[13] who wrote about 'ādat jad' al-nār; Fāðima Bābikir[14] who spoke about shaikhat al-zār; and Nadel[15] who spoke about the shaman. It has also been mentioned by Evans-Pritchard and Farah Eisa[16] who wrote about al-'Arrāf (witchdoctor), where Evans described the witch doctor as a diviner and a leech, who is part of the oracle system as he provided questions for the oracle to answer i.e. he has no status except when functioning.

One of the previous literatures on Saints and Devotees is the book of Islam in Sudan by Trimingham published in London in 1949. Trimingham is one of the earliest writers who used the term 'popular Islam', where people believe in Saints and Devotees including believing in a Mahdi and Mahdism, as versus Orthodox Islam. The term had also been used by other writers, such as I.M. Lewis[17]. Trimingham also spoke about the development of Sufi orders in Sudan where he detailed information about what he regarded as major and those minor orders. His book also includes information on the establishment of the Christian Kingdoms, and the relationship between Islam and pagan tribes of the Nuba Mountains, Southern Blue Nile and Southern Sudan, where the writer stated that:

"From the beginning, an inner nexus was established between animism and Islam which enabled it to be easily assimilated by the peoples of Africa and Asia and attracted elements of their systems…Muslims could hardly continue to contemplate the persistence of forbidden things which they had no power to root out, so they were incorporated and made permissible by providing them with explanatory Muslim legends, formulae, and orthodox interpretations"[18].

One of the few studies that tackled the subject of a Saint's and Devotees from a folkloric point of view was Sharafeldin E. Abdelsalam in his Ph.D. dissertation "Saints legends"[19]. The study explained how these legends reflect the size and magnitude of belief in Saints. People believe in the variety and multiplicity of Saint's ability. It ranges from performing simple deeds and curing patients and mad people to reach the stage of connection or temporal restoration of the dead to life and the prediction of their death themselves.

Recently, the famous American folklore Scholar Alan Dundes published a study titled: "Fables of the Ancients"[20]. It has been translated into Arabic as "AsāðÌr al-AwalÌn" by Ahmed Abdel Rahim Nasr in his lecture "folklore and belief" presented at the Folklore Forum, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum[21]. Although this study is not dealing directly with Sudanese belief-systems, it discusses issues with relevance to belief in Islam, the religion of the majority in Sudan. Besides, there are three major issues discussed in this book that are related to the current study:

  • First: the author's point of view that religious beliefs have an oral nature where they had been orally transmitted and circulated by the believers. Such characteristic, in the author's perspective, makes such beliefs part of folklore.
  • Second: the case of the Muslim writer who denied the existence of Jinn, who was then accused of apostasy and sent out the sect.
  • Third: the issue of the Muslims' adamant opposition to any attempt to use the adjective 'musical' in connection with any Qurānic recitation.  

To discuss the first point, we refer to Sayyid Hurreiz's definition of tradition where he thinks that it has two factors: to be circulated and transmitted through time and space, and that it represents and identifies a group which could be a family, a tribe… a religious order...etc. It does not necessarily have to be equivalent to the past.[22] According to this definition, many beliefs and religious practices could be part of folklore interest. What is important here is not the theoretical textual status of the beliefs, rather, the individual's imagination when such beliefs are transformed to the real daily life and actual practices.

The other two issues discussed by Dundes are representing part of Muslims belief-system: their belief in Jinn and their contempt to music and singing. "Jinn are part of the supernatural entity and it is an obligation to believe in that"[23], hence, "the belief in Jinn is congruent with the Muslim cosmology"[24]. On the other hand, music is regarded as an amusement and jesting while Qurān recitation is adoration and seriousness. To mix an act of worship with amusement and seriousness with jesting is a matter that Muslims should avoid; it indicates weakness of faith. For such reasons, "in 1999 in Lebanon, a singer was ordered to stand trial caused of having sung a blasphemous song. The song was actually a secular one but its text had included a passage from the Qurān"[25]. Dundes mentioned that: "the logic of the charge against the singer was basically this: It was one thing to quote the Qurān, but to set its words to music…and to accompany them with instrument, was to go beyond the respect due to God on earth"[26]. Then, Dundes quotes (al-Faruqi 1987a:8) who mentioned that "instruments are never used as accompaniment for Qurānic recitation"[27] "because musical instruments are believed to have been invented by Satan"[28].

The Zār Cult :

There are a few citations dealing with the zār cult in some early articles such as: "marriage customs in Omdurman"[29] and "Nubian zār ceremonies as psychotherapy"[30]. Na'ñm Shugair, who wrote about the beliefs of the Sudanese Arab groups, called such beliefs "their superstitions"[31]. Under this title, Shugair had mixed the beliefs in magic, zār, geomancy and cowrie shells with beliefs in Jinn and 'AfrÌt, describing the whole thing as useless "trifles". Using the same descriptive approach that mixes belief in Jinn with other thoughts, al-Tunusi[32] spoke about the beliefs of Dār Fur's inhabitants. Though both writers knew that a Muslim unbelief in Jinn can be considered as irreligion, according to a wider opinion of Muslim jurists. At the same time, "the majority of researchers do not acknowledge the separation between beliefs and superstitions. Today, both enter under a general concept known as folk beliefs"[33], as it has been mentioned by al-Jawhari and asan al-Shāmi.

In the period 11-13 January 1988, a workshop of "zār in Africa"[34] was conducted at the institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum. It was attended by a number of researchers and part of its proceedings was published later in a book[35]. Generally speaking, the papers presented at that workshop can be classified into three pivots: zār history and theories of origin, zār categories and descriptions, and zār as psychotherapy. The papers mentioned two kinds of zār: zār Bori which depends on women playing drums, and zār £umbura that depends on men playing lyres. In 1993, a Sudanese lady, Baqie B. Muhammad, wrote about zār cult from another point of view that other researchers do not look at. She tried to correlate zār with the Sudanese concept of beauty. She explained how beauty can be transformed into magical power in the hands of zār believers, though it is an element of attraction to a negative evil power[36].

Zār cult can essentially be looked at as a musical performance where melody and rhythm play the major role in a participant's passivity. People say: fulāna daqqu laiha zār (a zār has been played to someone), and that indicates to the rhythm. They also say: fulāna khaita ja (fulāna's ray of hope shows up), and that indicates to the melody that someone responses to at a zār ceremony. As we know music is nothing but a melody in a certain rhythmic pattern. Fāðima Bābikir explained that when a possessed woman visits a zār's shaikha, who plays the mediator's role between zār-spirit and its patient; she diagnoses her and agrees with her on the date of a zār's beat (daq al-zār), which is a gathering where drums and tambourines are played[37].

This structural musical characteristic of zār has a tremendous effect on zār's participants. It has also a relationship to "the girl's familiar spirit (al-rÌÊ al-aÊmar) who may be opposed to the chosen individual"[38] for marriage. Such a structure has been totally neglected in the previous literature reviewed, except for some limited citations in the coming studies:

  • The limited descriptive study by 'Ali Jihād Rasi titled: "musiga al-ðambura fi al-KhalÌj". Rasi thinks that such music is related to the Gulf inhabitants of African origin, maybe Sudanese. Here, the zār is called the 'nubān' and that goes back to the Nubians in Sudan. The evidence for that is the big lyre called ðambura and a pentatonic scale[39]. £umbura zār[40] and its musical instruments are also described by Ahmad El Safi in an article titled "ðumbura Revisited"[41].
  • Sayyid Hurreiz's paper titled "zār ritual psychodrama"[42] in which he mentioned the group of musicians, who are conducted by the zār's shaikh as part of the dramatic elements that the ritual teems with.
  • The description of zār music mentioned by Ahmad El Safi who defined zār as "a propitiatory ceremony meant in essence to appease the possessing evil spirit, and by no means to exorcise them by means of hot rhythmic music, gifts and sacrifices"[43].
  • The similar zār-music's description mentioned by al-Jawhari which includes imprecise generalized expressions where he defined zār as: "a ceremony with special magāmāt (musical scales) targeting to drive away or appease spirits, where sacrifices are offered and some dances of quick hot rhythm are performed"[44].
  • The speech on zār's musical structure mentioned in the researcher's paper, "al-marā al-SudanÌya wal-thagāfa al-musigÌya"[45], where he tried to demonstrate the common factors, in form and content, between the zār and raqîat al-'arñs (the bride's dance): two musical performances related to an ancient African belief-system, and are now characterizing the urban Sudanese woman's musical culture.

The majority of those who wrote on zār cult have never mentioned the musical activities accompanying the ritual. Skeikh……. Samia El Nagar[46], for instance, regards zār possession as an important therapeutic activity among women. She described it as "a social phenomenon that is sloganed against by religious male and secular educated elites". But, she never mentioned the components of such therapy and what the role of music is in that respect. Sharafelden E. Abdelsalam[47] thinks that zār ceremonies, like similar ceremonies in Africa, are realized in the context of folk religion. Zār, according to practitioners and patients interviewed makes participants fell better after sponsoring a zār ceremony. But, he has been satisfied by such testimonies and never looked at the reasons behind those feelings of recovery, and what the role of music is in that consciousness.

We think that zār's rhythms and melodies have an effect on their listeners, if they are possessed, even when they are not in a natural context of zār. Music is the nucleus of the cult and it is the most effective component of zār on the possessed individuals. Many women, as reported, were acting in response to such melodies and rhythms in different wedding ceremonies where some singers are pleased to use some zār melodies and rhythms with other lyric poem.

The overlooking of such a critical factor of zār's musical structure by most of the previous studies could have a negative impact on the results of those studies have achieved, regardless of the angles and perspectives they looked at the ritual through. To know the deep structure of zār-music will definitely contribute a lot in knowing the internal details of this folk ritual. It also hence and assists in reaching a deep understanding of the phenomenon. It facilitates dealing seriously and to a large degree with the cult, instead of looking at it from outside, suggesting interpretation and criteria built on a monism vision.

The zār-songs are essentially formed of a simple lyric poem, in most cases not exceeding one verse, as:

Dail jimāl shāylāt mauya……… These are camels carrying water……                       

al-Dindir ba'ida walla ya khuya .. al-Dindir is far away, oh my brother              

The accompanying melody is also of simple linear structure, free from wide-distance tonal leaps. The rhythm is simple too, neither complex nor cross or irregular and it is almost tripartite, though the quadruple rhythm can also be used, as in the case of the recent example:

 

Ismaiel%20ABdulmoien Ismaiel%20ABdulmoien

 

 

 

 

Plate 2: a zār's melody graph                           

If we look at the graph of this melody, we can easily notice that its first part oscillates horizontally around an x-axis (at the G note which is one of the scale pattern tonic set up). It reaches, in its climax, the A note of the pentatonic. Its second part represents an isosceles triangle in a sequence including all the other notes of the scale pattern without any wide-distance leaps or accidental notes. These structural characteristics which are applicable to most zār songs and music have not been chosen arbitrarily. It is intended that the zār participants will be able to receive the song's text and its melody immediately after they listen to them from the zār-shaikh or shaikha, so they can easily learn and repeat them after him or her.

These methods of call and response, repetition and imitation, are folk techniques that contribute in a wide transmission and circulation of knowledge between people in traditional societies. But, what is more essential here is that such simple, quick, repeated and loud tones and beats lead the body organs to move in a repetitive regular way for a long period of time. Jean Wilson thinks that such music has its power to create enjoyment in a manner equal to the drugs that lead to ecstasy[48]. Some studies of American researchers' also show that brain's ecstasy due to fascinating music is equivalent to that which occurs when one takes cocaine or practice love[49]. Jean Wilson also mentioned that:

 "It is obvious that the quick loud music increases the rate of heart beats and consequently leads to an excitement feeling. The repetitive rhythm can lead to cases typical to narcolepsy which sometimes reach a degree of rapture or overwhelming rejoicing. This could be ascribed to the neuronal circles that can repeat or reecho the sounds in a manner capable of producing changes in the brain chemistry or creating electrical cases similar to epilepsy spasms"[50].

The Magic Practice :

There is an early study by G.W.T. on magic and magical deeds among the "Raik Dinka", published in Sudan Notes and Records. The writer mentioned that the Dinka classify magicians into two categories:

  • Beneficent magicians: those who cure sickness; bring rain; lead in war…etc. and each one of them has a name taken from his function in the society, though they all have their general name which is Teitt.
  • Evil magicians: those who practice some activities that can harm others or make them lose part of their properties[51].

In this context, some researchers spoke about al-'Arrāqi or al-Mu'rāqi[52], a character that is accessible in Western Sudan. al-'arrāqi uses trees roots or fruits, some kinds of plants or herbs, mullets and fetishes to cure or protect from harm, bring rain or damage to the others according to the desire of the client. Such a character is also described as magic practitioner or magician too.

Abdalla Al-Tayib wrote about another kind of magic practices and different customs and beliefs of the Riverains in Sudan in two articles: 1955[53], 1956[54] in Sudan Notes and Records. He spoke about many other beliefs as: mushāhara[55], bakhrāt, singular: bkhra[56], Êurñz (amulets), tamāim (charms) and naÊr al-§ābÌÊ (sacrifice). Here, he stated that:

"The average Muslim, according to traditional belief, possesses the Evil Eye -that is to say, the power to inflict harm through glancing admiringly at any object- in a mild form. There are a number of formulas to guard against this, such as ''salāt al-Nabi'', ''ma shāallah'' and 'ajab 'ayni". …There are, however, some people whose power to do the Evil Eye is so great the "ma shāallah" and "salāt al-Nabi" alone would not be a sufficient protection from them"[57].

This subject has also been dealt with by Abdullahi Ali Ibrahim in his study "the sociopoetic of the Rubāðāb evil eye metaphors". Here, he mentioned that: "sāÊir and 'ayn (eye) are used interchangeably by many Rubāðāb to denote the English gloss evil eye"[58]. 'Ali MuÊammad 'Uthmān also thinks that the word siÊr in the Sāfil (Northern Sudan) means to be harmed by witch practice (siÊr) or evil eye ('ayn), where people and objects can bewitch through comparison with other objects. Whenever this comparison is highly perfect the bewitching is certain[59].

Adbullahi Ali Ibrahim spoke about the Rubāðāb's concept of sāÊir. He discussed the issue of sāÊir as a phenomenon and how folklore looks at it? Here, he stated clearly that:

"The insights gained by describing and interpreting sāÊir with reference to Shari'ah-minded discourse made the study seek a political definition of folklore, that is, a definition that takes a special note of the sociopolitical realities in which folklore operates, along with other opposing or parallel cultural institutions. Thus, this study views Shari'ah-minded piety, in Bakhtin's terms, as a centralizing discourse with the inherent tendency to establish one single meaning. Folklore performance, from this perspective, may be defined as centrifugal discourses that lead an easy existence alongside the centralizing discourses"[60].

The importance of this point of view exists in the reality that many people's beliefs and notions are originally religious. But, the folk's imagination reacts and deals with such beliefs during daily life in a manner that sometimes may not agree with its religious intentions. Imagination and personal conceptualization plays the major role when reacting with beliefs and putting them to a real practice. Religion, for example, has never given us a detailed description of Jinn or Satan that can help our ability to identify such creatures as soon as we meet them; too the other supernatural powers.

al-Kujñr and Sheikh al- 'Āda :

Kujñr and shaikh al-'āda are two terms for one character that is believed to mediate between Earth and Heaven in many African cultural areas in Sudan. Such a character has a high social status due to its religious role in the Nuba Mountains of Southern Kordufan, the Southern Blue Nile, and Southern Sudan. In her book Religion and Healing in Mandari, reviewed in Sudan Notes and Record, Jean Buxton spoke about the belief-system of this tribe where the visible world is sufficient proof of the existence of the Creator. She thinks that the Mandari do not speculate about the Creator's nature, use human models to draw analogies, or reduce the Creator to the level of known experiences. Thus, in contrast to the Dinka, they do not use the father/children model to express the Creator/created relationship[61]. The same meanings have been mentioned by Mills in his article "a Dinka witch-doctor", where the writer thinks that the witch-doctor plays the same role as the Kujñr of the Nuba Mountains, who mediates between the people and the Supreme God, as the spirit of mediation possesses him[62].

Kujñr is a subject that has been tackled by many writers. Waukes Worth[63], Nadel[64], and Dumn[65] have three different articles in this respect in Sudan Notes and Records. Kujñr has also been discussed in Ahmed Abdel Rahim Nasr's article "al-kujñr 'aind al-Nymang", where he reviewed the previous literature in this subject, and mentioned four asbār (rituals) performed by the kujñr[66]. The article also contains some interpretations of those rituals, specifically the indication to fertility and growth, such as pouring out MarÌsa or water paste on the earth or on grass. We notice here that such interpretations are also corresponding with the meanings of the rituals of jad' al-nār[67] (fire throwing) performed by the Berta people of the Blue Nile.

MuÊammad Hārñn Kāfi[68] has a book titled al-kujñr published by the Institute of African and Asian Studies as part of ''silsilat driest fil-turāth al-Sudani''. In this book, the writer mentioned the meaning of the word kujñr, its origin, and explained how a person can become a kujñr. For him, the kujñr is a character that proceeds after a tribal belief-system which harmonizes with its culture and environment. This system that includes a number of notions, methodologies, points of time and ways of practice is called sib. It is one of the major procedures used by the kujñr to organize the life of his society.

Kāfi also explained that kujñr does not mean a person, as it comes to someone's mind, but it means the spirit or the supernatural power that possesses a specific person; so kujñr is not a magician. Finally, he reviewed part of the kujñr's praises and songs which are part of the Nuba's musical repertory. Here, he distinguished between the songs sung about the kujñr and those that the kujñr himself sings. He also mentioned a number of musical instruments used to accompany those songs as the rabāba (lyre), ðubñl (drums) and bukhsa (calabash trumpet) which looks like wāza of the Blue Nile. He also mentioned a few words about the famous Nuba dance, al-kambala, and he reviewed part of its poetry.

'Ādat jad' al-nār (fire throwing custom) is a ritual related to agricultural activities in some areas of Sudan. It has first been mentioned in a descriptive article in Wāza magazine[69]. It is also part of the researcher's study "al-musiga al-taglidÌya fi mujtam' al-Berta bijanñb al-NÌl al-Azrag". Jad' al-nār is an Arabic adjective used by some researchers to describe a ritual named by the local natives of the Berta as "haukkai"[70]. The ritual has many detailed practices that continue for a whole month including the ''fire throwing'' activity at its peak.

It is worth mentioning here that the points of resemblance between Jad' al-nār as a custom, where music is intensively applied, and kujñr's sibr in the Nuba Mountains does not represent the only factor of commonality. Other factors, such as the physical environment, the major economical activity which is agriculture, the typical historical circumstances, and, to a some degree, racial and other cultural elements, are all combined to make the Southern Blue Nile as if it is a natural extension of the Nuba Mountains, and vice versa.

Native Medicine :

Studies concerning native medicine are essentially built on belief in the philosophy of medical treatment as mentioned in the prophetic ÊadÌth: "For any disease there is a specified medicine. If such medicine hits the disease then it will be cured by God's willing"[71]. But, al-Jawhari thinks that in this general concept the folk-belief widens a big space for elements of disease attributable to psychological or magical factors[72]. In other words, diseases that are not attributed to a known touched material evidence and the effect of supernatural creatures, such as the Jinn, are also included in this term. That means the native medicine pays attention to two kinds of treatments: the first kind is by drugs, roots and herbs, or bone-setting and the like (empirical treatment); the second kind is psychotherapeutic where rugya (spell) mullets, Qurān recitation or ritual practices are used. This second kind of treatment is usually conducted by a saint or a Faki, as it can also be conducted by a Kujñr, witch-doctors or Shaikhat al-zār (zār-officiate). Alternative medicine………

One of the earliest studies of native medicine that was concerned with drugs and herbs treatments is the study by Ahmad Abdel Halim "Native Medicine and Ways of Treatment in Northern Sudan". The writer thinks that those ways of treatment have been diffused to the area since the entrance of the Arab and the Egyptians. Such ways of treatments mainly depend on the use of herbs, including roots, stems and fruits, few organic materials and very few animal ingredients[73].

Another early study too, that was concerned with both categories of native medicine in Sudan, is the study by Ahmed El Safi "Native Medicine in the Sudan"[74] which speaks about treatments by drugs and herbs beside bone-setting, and that treatment concerned with psychological or mental disturbance as zār, um al-Sibyān (al-îr'a: epilepsy)[75] or even junñn (madness) .

One of the studies that is only concerned with native medicine of a psychotherapeutic nature is the study of al-Sā¼ig MuÊammad Sulaymān "al-Êurñz fi al-Sudan"[76] where people believe in the efficiency of these Êurñz (singular Êirz: amulet) which can be used as either a cure or for prevention or both. The study identified the terms of siÊr (magic) and religion, explaining the medical relation between these terms where a joint concept known as ''magical-religious medicine'' has been established. al-Sā¼ig explained how this joined concept is built on magical or religious procedures to secure medicine or prevention, as in charms, sacred deeds or miracles.

Recently, Imān asan 'Awa¼ conducted a research on "al-'ilāj bil-'ashāb"[77] (treatment with herbs) where she reviewed the concept of ''native medicine'', enumerating the herbs that are entering the circle of treatment and explaining how people believe in that. The study also mentioned the relationship between the native medicine and the formal one, showing how such native medicine, due to technological advancement, can contribute efficiently in different medical treatment. In this context, the researcher mentioned part of the World Health Organization's report which stated that: "there are between 35-70 thousands kinds of plants that have once been used for medical purposes"[78].

Concussion:

Beliefs are the notions related to unseen realms. They are correlated with metaphysical and supernatural powers that control the person's life, heath and existence. Beliefs that are originally emanated from the minds and ideas of the individuals go well with that are originally religious. People use their imagination and thoughts when applying such beliefs in their real life to match with what they think it correct.


[2] MuÊammad 'Abdal ay (1990), "al-Shaikh Isma'Ìl SāÊib al-Rabāba", urñf, Dār Jāmi'at al-Khartoum lil-Nashr, first addition, Khartoum, p. 9.

[3] Yñsuf Fa¼l asan, in Kitāb al-£abagāt, Ibid, Pp.9-10.

[4] J. Spencer Trimingham (1980), The Influence of Islam upon Africa, second edition, British Library, Longman Group, London, p. 74.

[5] Trimingham (1949), Islam in the Sudan, Frank Cass and Company limited, London.

[6] Sayyid H. rreiz (1985), "al-Turāth al-Sha'bi wal-WuÊda al-WaðanÌya", Muatamar al-GawmÌya al-SudanÌya wal-WuÊda al-WaðanÌya, Jāmi'at al- Khartoum, Khartoum.

[7] 'Ali al-ˆaw (1984), "al-Mandhumāt al-NaghamÌya al-KhumāsÌya wal-Nidhām al-'Agadi fi AfrÌgiya", al-Musigā al-'ArabÌya, al-Majma' al-'Arabi lil-Musiga, Baghdad, Pp. 133-149.

[8] Abdalla Al-Tayib (1955), "The Changing Customs of the Riverain in Sudan", Sudan Notes and Records, vol. XXXVI, part I, Khartoum, Pp. 146 - 158.

[9] Samia El Hadi El Nagar (1975), "Spirit Possession and Social Change in Omdurman", MA dissertation, Dept. of Anthropology and Sociology, University of Khartoum, Khartoum.

[10] Ahmad Abd El Rahim Naîr (1969), "al-kujñr 'ind al-Nymang", al-Dirāsāt al-SudanÌya, University of Khartoum, 2nd addition, vol. 1, Khartoum, Pp. 40-62.

[11] MuÊammad Hārñn Kāfi (ND), al-kujñr, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, Khartoum.

[12] Min al-ArshÌf (1978), "'Ādt Jad' al-Nār", Wāza, vol. III, Folklore Research Centre, Ministry of Culture and Information, Khartoum, Pp. 35-40.

[13] 'Ali al-ˆaw (1988), al-Musigā al-TaglidÌya fi Mugtama' al-Berta, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, Khartoum, Pp. 77-89.

[14] Faðima Bābikir MaÊmñd (1995), al-Mara al-AfrigÌya bayn al-Irth wal-adātha, Cambridge Printing Press, London, p. 153.

[15] S.F. Nadel (1941), "A Shaman Cult in the Nuba Mountains", Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. XXIV, Khartoum, Pp. 85 - 112.

[16] Farah Eisa (2000), Dirāsāt fil-Folklore al-Sudani, al-Sharika al-'ĀlamÌya lil-£ibā' wal-Nasher, Khartoum, Pp. 157-169.

[17] See: I.M. Lewis (1966), Islam in Tropical Africa, Oxford University Press, London, Pp. 60 - 61.

[18] Trimingham, Op.Cit, p.164.

[19] Sharafeldin E. Abdelsalam (1983), "A Study of Contemporary Sudanese Muslim Saint's Legends in Sociocultural Contexts", Ph.D. Dissertation, Indiana University.

[20] Alan Dundes (2003) Fables of the Ancient, Folklore in the Gurān, Roman and Littlefield Publishers, Inc., Lanham.

[21] For more information look at: the Folklore Forum records, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, 24 March 2004.

[22] Sayyid Hurreiz (1977) "Folklore and Traditional Education", a paper presented to the FESTAC colloquium, Lagos, P. 1.

[23] £āha 'Abdal Rañf Sa'ad (2000), Ghrāib al-Jinni wa 'Ajāibuhu, Maktabat al-Safa, Cairo, p. 7.

[24] Sharafeldin Abdelsalam, Op.Cit, p.14.

[25] Dundes, Op. Cit, Pp. 21-22.

[26] Ibid.

[27] Ibid.

[28] Henry George Farmer, in Dundes, Ibid.

[29] Sophie Zenkovsky (1945), "Marriage Customs in Omdurman", Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. XXVI, part II, Khartoum, p. 241.

[30] John G. Kennedy (1967), "Nubian Zār Ceremonies as Psychotherapy", Human organization, Vol. 26, No. 4, London, p. 185.

[31] Na'ñm Shugayr (1967), TārÌkh al-Sudan al-GadÌm wal-adÌth wa-Jughrāfiyatuhu, Beirut, Pp. 284-290.

[32] MuÊammad Ibn 'Umar al-Tñnusi (1965), TashȨ̂ al-A§hān Bisirat Bilād al-'Arab wal-Sudan, Cairo, Pp. 325-339.

[33] al-Jawhari and asan al-Shāmi, (1972), translators, Nadhariyāt al-Folklore al-Mu'āsira, Dār al-Kutub al-Jāmi'Ìya, Cairo, p. 30.

[34] See: the papers of "Zār in Africa" (1988), Workshop, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, Khartoum.

[35] I.M. Lewis (1991) and others, EDT. Women's Medicine: the Zar-Bori Cult in Africa and Beyond, International African Institute, British Library, Oxford.

[36] Baqie B. Muhammad (1993), "the udanese Concept of Beauty, Spirit Possession, and Power", Folklore Forum, Vol. 26 No. 1/2, Dorson Paper Prize Winners, Bloomington, Pp. 43-6.

[37] Fāðima Bābikir, Op.Cit.

[38] Zenkovsky, Op.Cit, p. 241.

[39] 'Ali Jihād Rasi (1978), Musigā al-£ambñra fil-KhalÌj, Markaz al-Turāth al-Sha'bi li-Duwal al-KhalÌj al-'Arabi, DawÊa.

[40] £umbura and ðambñra are two terms used for the same musical instrument (a lyre) which is used in this kind of zār known as "zār tumbura". It also differs in size (bigger), number of strings (6) and technique of playing (rhythmic brushing) from the ordinary secular lyre that accompanies singing in many areas of Sudan where it is called ðambñr or rabāba, or other local names in different Sudanese languages.  

[41] Ahmad El Safi (1988), "Tumbura Revisited (the story of ABUYA SAMBU), paper presented to the workshop on the Contribution of the Zār cult in African Traditional Medicine, Khartoum, p. 12.

[42] Hurreiz (1988), Op.Cit.

[43] El Safi (1970), Op.Cit, p. 13.

[44] al-Jawhari (1980), Op.Cit, p. 19.

[45] 'Ali al-ˆaw (2003), "al-Marā al-SudanÌya wal-Thagāfa al-MusigÌya", a paper presented in Folklore forum, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, Khartoum.

[46] Samia El Nagar (1988), "Socio - cultural context of Zār in Omdurman", paper presented to the workshop on the Contribution of the Zār cult in African Traditional Medicine, Khartoum.

[47] Sharafeldin E. Abdelsalam (1988), "Dastur yā Awlād Māma, Toward an Understanding of the Sudanese Zār", paper presented to the workshop on the Contribution of the Zār cult in African Traditional Medicine, Khartoum.

[48] Jelin Wilson (2000), SāykulaujÌyat Funñn al-Adā, 'Ālam al-Ma'rifa, al-Majlis al-Waðani lil-Thagāfa wal-Funñn wal-Ādāb, al-Kuwait, p. 57.

[49] WalÌd al-Shaubaki (2005), "Ruayat al-Musiga fi al-Mukh", al-'Arabi al-'Ilmi, Wazārat al-I'lām, al-Kuwait, p. 20.

[50] Ibid, p. 276.

[51] G.W.T. (1925), Magicians among the Raik Dinka, Sudan Notes and Records, vol. VIII, Khartoum, Pp. 193 - 194.

[52] A.J. Arkell (1926), "Magic and medicine in Dar Masalit", Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. IX, No. I, Khartoum, Pp. 91 - 94.

[53] Abdalla Al -Tayib (1955), "the Changing Customs of the Riverain in Sudan", Sudan Notes and Records, vol. XXXVI, part I, Khartoum,  Pp. 146 - 158.

[54] Abdalla Al -Tayib (1956), "the Changing Customs of the Riverain in Sudan", Sudan Notes and Records, vol. XXXVII, Khartoum, Pp. 56 - 69.

[55] "The mushāhara was a name applied to all the apparently inexplicable ailments to which a pregnant woman was exposed and which would cause a miscarriage or difficult birth, if not treated and dispelled at once" (Al - Tayib: 1955, p. 146 ). "Mushāhara: is an unknown peril which can result in illness or disaster. Thus people carry out a number of rituals to counteract such danger. They use jirtiq ornaments in marriage, birth pregnancy and circumcision to ward off danger in luminal stages" (El Nagar: 1975, p. 61).

[56] Bkhra is: some Gurānic verses written on a paper which can be used as incense for protection or healing.

[57] Abdalla Al -Tayib (1955), Op.Cit, p. 153.

[58] Abdullahi Ali Ibrahim (1987), Assaulting with Words: The Sociopoetics of the Rubatab Evil Eye Metaphors, PhD Dissertation, Indiana University, Bloomington, p. 286.

[59] 'Ali MuÊammad 'Uthmān, "Athar al-Mu'tagad 'ala al-TaîmÌm al-Sh'abi fi Manðigat al-Sāfil bis-Sudan", PhD. Dissertation, Folklore Department, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, Khartoum, p. 120.

[60] Ibrahim, Op.Cit.

[61] Jean Buxton (1974), Religion and Healing in Mandari, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1973; reviewed in Sudan Notes and Records, vol. LV, No. 55, Khartoum, p. 193.

[62] W.L. Mills (1919), "A Dinka Witch - Doctor", Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. Ii, No. 2, Khartoum, Pp. 31 - 34.

[63] D. Hawkesworth (1940), "a Description of a Ceremony by which a Nuba Chief became a Kujur", Sudan Notes and Records, Vo. XXIII part 11, Khartoum, Pp. 345 - 347.

[64] S.F. Nadel (1941), "A Shaman Cult in the Nuba Mountains", Sudan Notes and Records, Vo. XXIV, Khartoum, Pp. 55-112.

[65] S.C. Dunn (1918), "Nuba Mountains: Some instances of Nuba Magic", Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. I. No. 3, Khartoum, Pp. 202 - 204.

[66] AÊmad A. Naîr, Op.Cit, p. 40.

[67] 'Ali al-ˆaw (1988), Op.Cit, Pp. 80-90.

[68] Kāfi, Op.Cit, 36.

[69] Wāza, vol. III, Op.Cit.

[70] 'Ali al-ˆaw (1988), Op.Cit, p.36.

[71] Abu al-asan Ibn al-ajjāj Muslim (1987), SaÊÌÊ Muslim, part 13, Dār al-Galam, Beirut, p. 441.

[72] al-Jawhari (1980), Op.Cit, p. 480.

[73] AÊmad Abd al Halim (1939), "Native Medicine and Ways of Treatment in the Northern Sudan", Sudan Notes and Records, vol. XXII No. 22, part 1, Khartoum, Pp. 27 - 48.

[74] El Safi, 1970, Op.Cit.

[75] 'Awn al-ShfarÌf Gāsim (1985), Gāmñs al-Lahaja al-'ĀmÌya fil-Sudan, second print, al-Maktab al-Maîri al-adÌth, Cairo, p. 57.

[76] al-Sādig MuÊammad Sulaymān (1982), "al-urñz fil-Sudan", MA Dissertation, Folklore Department, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, Khartoum.

[77] Imān asan 'Awa¼ (2002), "al-'Ilāj bil-'Ashāb fi al-£ib al-Sha'bi", MA Dissertation, Folklore Department, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, khartoum.

[78] SamÌr YaÊya al-Jammāl (ND), al-'Ilāj al-Shāfi bil-Nabātāt, Maktabat Madbñli, Cairo, p. 29.

Footnotes:

[1] MuÊammad 'Abdal ay (1990), "al-Shaikh Isma'Ìl SāÊib al-Rabāba", urñf, Dār Jāmi'at al-Khartoum lil-Nashr, first addition, Khartoum, p. 9.

[1] Yñsuf Fa¼l asan, in Kitāb al-£abagāt, Ibid, Pp.9-10.

[1] J. Spencer Trimingham (1980), The Influence of Islam upon Africa, second edition, British Library, Longman Group, London, p. 74.

[1] Trimingham (1949), Islam in the Sudan, Frank Cass and Company limited, London.

[1] Sayyid H. rreiz (1985), "al-Turāth al-Sha'bi wal-WuÊda al-WaðanÌya", Muatamar al-GawmÌya al-SudanÌya wal-WuÊda al-WaðanÌya, Jāmi'at al- Khartoum, Khartoum.

[1] 'Ali al-ˆaw (1984), "al-Mandhumāt al-NaghamÌya al-KhumāsÌya wal-Nidhām al-'Agadi fi AfrÌgiya", al-Musigā al-'ArabÌya, al-Majma' al-'Arabi lil-Musiga, Baghdad, Pp. 133-149.

[1] Abdalla Al-Tayib (1955), "The Changing Customs of the Riverain in Sudan", Sudan Notes and Records, vol. XXXVI, part I, Khartoum, Pp. 146 - 158.

[1] Samia El Hadi El Nagar (1975), "Spirit Possession and Social Change in Omdurman", MA dissertation, Dept. of Anthropology and Sociology, University of Khartoum, Khartoum.

[1] Ahmad Abd El Rahim Naîr (1969), "al-kujñr 'ind al-Nymang", al-Dirāsāt al-SudanÌya, University of Khartoum, 2nd addition, vol. 1, Khartoum, Pp. 40-62.

[1] MuÊammad Hārñn Kāfi (ND), al-kujñr, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, Khartoum.

[1] Min al-ArshÌf (1978), "'Ādt Jad' al-Nār", Wāza, vol. III, Folklore Research Centre, Ministry of Culture and Information, Khartoum, Pp. 35-40.

[1] 'Ali al-ˆaw (1988), al-Musigā al-TaglidÌya fi Mugtama' al-Berta, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, Khartoum, Pp. 77-89.

[1] Faðima Bābikir MaÊmñd (1995), al-Mara al-AfrigÌya bayn al-Irth wal-adātha, Cambridge Printing Press, London, p. 153.

[1] S.F. Nadel (1941), "A Shaman Cult in the Nuba Mountains", Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. XXIV, Khartoum, Pp. 85 - 112.

[1] Farah Eisa (2000), Dirāsāt fil-Folklore al-Sudani, al-Sharika al-'ĀlamÌya lil-£ibā' wal-Nasher, Khartoum, Pp. 157-169.

[1] See: I.M. Lewis (1966), Islam in Tropical Africa, Oxford University Press, London, Pp. 60 - 61.

[1] Trimingham, Op.Cit, p.164.

[1] Sharafeldin E. Abdelsalam (1983), "A Study of Contemporary Sudanese Muslim Saint's Legends in Sociocultural Contexts", Ph.D. Dissertation, Indiana University.

[1] Alan Dundes (2003) Fables of the Ancient, Folklore in the Gurān, Roman and Littlefield Publishers, Inc., Lanham.

[1] For more information look at: the Folklore Forum records, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, 24 March 2004.

[1] Sayyid Hurreiz (1977) "Folklore and Traditional Education", a paper presented to the FESTAC colloquium, Lagos, P. 1.

[1] £āha 'Abdal Rañf Sa'ad (2000), Ghrāib al-Jinni wa 'Ajāibuhu, Maktabat al-Safa, Cairo, p. 7.

[1] Sharafeldin Abdelsalam, Op.Cit, p.14.

[1] Dundes, Op. Cit, Pp. 21-22.

[1] Ibid.

[1] Ibid.

[1] Henry George Farmer, in Dundes, Ibid.

[1] Sophie Zenkovsky (1945), "Marriage Customs in Omdurman", Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. XXVI, part II, Khartoum, p. 241.

[1] John G. Kennedy (1967), "Nubian Zār Ceremonies as Psychotherapy", Human organization, Vol. 26, No. 4, London, p. 185.

[1] Na'ñm Shugayr (1967), TārÌkh al-Sudan al-GadÌm wal-adÌth wa-Jughrāfiyatuhu, Beirut, Pp. 284-290.

[1] MuÊammad Ibn 'Umar al-Tñnusi (1965), TashȨ̂ al-A§hān Bisirat Bilād al-'Arab wal-Sudan, Cairo, Pp. 325-339.

[1] al-Jawhari and asan al-Shāmi, (1972), translators, Nadhariyāt al-Folklore al-Mu'āsira, Dār al-Kutub al-Jāmi'Ìya, Cairo, p. 30.

[1] See: the papers of "Zār in Africa" (1988), Workshop, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, Khartoum.

[1] I.M. Lewis (1991) and others, EDT. Women's Medicine: the Zar-Bori Cult in Africa and Beyond, International African Institute, British Library, Oxford.

[1] Baqie B. Muhammad (1993), "the udanese Concept of Beauty, Spirit Possession, and Power", Folklore Forum, Vol. 26 No. 1/2, Dorson Paper Prize Winners, Bloomington, Pp. 43-6.

[1] Fāðima Bābikir, Op.Cit.

[1] Zenkovsky, Op.Cit, p. 241.

[1] 'Ali Jihād Rasi (1978), Musigā al-£ambñra fil-KhalÌj, Markaz al-Turāth al-Sha'bi li-Duwal al-KhalÌj al-'Arabi, DawÊa.

[1] £umbura and ðambñra are two terms used for the same musical instrument (a lyre) which is used in this kind of zār known as "zār tumbura". It also differs in size (bigger), number of strings (6) and technique of playing (rhythmic brushing) from the ordinary secular lyre that accompanies singing in many areas of Sudan where it is called ðambñr or rabāba, or other local names in different Sudanese languages.  

[1] Ahmad El Safi (1988), "Tumbura Revisited (the story of ABUYA SAMBU), paper presented to the workshop on the Contribution of the Zār cult in African Traditional Medicine, Khartoum, p. 12.

[1] Hurreiz (1988), Op.Cit.

[1] El Safi (1970), Op.Cit, p. 13.

[1] al-Jawhari (1980), Op.Cit, p. 19.

[1] 'Ali al-ˆaw (2003), "al-Marā al-SudanÌya wal-Thagāfa al-MusigÌya", a paper presented in Folklore forum, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, Khartoum.

[1] Samia El Nagar (1988), "Socio - cultural context of Zār in Omdurman", paper presented to the workshop on the Contribution of the Zār cult in African Traditional Medicine, Khartoum.

[1] Sharafeldin E. Abdelsalam (1988), "Dastur yā Awlād Māma, Toward an Understanding of the Sudanese Zār", paper presented to the workshop on the Contribution of the Zār cult in African Traditional Medicine, Khartoum.

[1] Jelin Wilson (2000), SāykulaujÌyat Funñn al-Adā, 'Ālam al-Ma'rifa, al-Majlis al-Waðani lil-Thagāfa wal-Funñn wal-Ādāb, al-Kuwait, p. 57.

[1] WalÌd al-Shaubaki (2005), "Ruayat al-Musiga fi al-Mukh", al-'Arabi al-'Ilmi, Wazārat al-I'lām, al-Kuwait, p. 20.

[1] Ibid, p. 276.

[1] G.W.T. (1925), Magicians among the Raik Dinka, Sudan Notes and Records, vol. VIII, Khartoum, Pp. 193 - 194.

[1] A.J. Arkell (1926), "Magic and medicine in Dar Masalit", Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. IX, No. I, Khartoum, Pp. 91 - 94.

[1] Abdalla Al -Tayib (1955), "the Changing Customs of the Riverain in Sudan", Sudan Notes and Records, vol. XXXVI, part I, Khartoum,  Pp. 146 - 158.

[1] Abdalla Al -Tayib (1956), "the Changing Customs of the Riverain in Sudan", Sudan Notes and Records, vol. XXXVII, Khartoum, Pp. 56 - 69.

[1] "The mushāhara was a name applied to all the apparently inexplicable ailments to which a pregnant woman was exposed and which would cause a miscarriage or difficult birth, if not treated and dispelled at once" (Al - Tayib: 1955, p. 146 ). "Mushāhara: is an unknown peril which can result in illness or disaster. Thus people carry out a number of rituals to counteract such danger. They use jirtiq ornaments in marriage, birth pregnancy and circumcision to ward off danger in luminal stages" (El Nagar: 1975, p. 61).

[1] Bkhra is: some Gurānic verses written on a paper which can be used as incense for protection or healing.

[1] Abdalla Al -Tayib (1955), Op.Cit, p. 153.

[1] Abdullahi Ali Ibrahim (1987), Assaulting with Words: The Sociopoetics of the Rubatab Evil Eye Metaphors, PhD Dissertation, Indiana University, Bloomington, p. 286.

[1] 'Ali MuÊammad 'Uthmān, "Athar al-Mu'tagad 'ala al-TaîmÌm al-Sh'abi fi Manðigat al-Sāfil bis-Sudan", PhD. Dissertation, Folklore Department, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, Khartoum, p. 120.

[1] Ibrahim, Op.Cit.

[1] Jean Buxton (1974), Religion and Healing in Mandari, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1973; reviewed in Sudan Notes and Records, vol. LV, No. 55, Khartoum, p. 193.

[1] W.L. Mills (1919), "A Dinka Witch - Doctor", Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. Ii, No. 2, Khartoum, Pp. 31 - 34.

[1] D. Hawkesworth (1940), "a Description of a Ceremony by which a Nuba Chief became a Kujur", Sudan Notes and Records, Vo. XXIII part 11, Khartoum, Pp. 345 - 347.

[1] S.F. Nadel (1941), "A Shaman Cult in the Nuba Mountains", Sudan Notes and Records, Vo. XXIV, Khartoum, Pp. 55-112.

[1] S.C. Dunn (1918), "Nuba Mountains: Some instances of Nuba Magic", Sudan Notes and Records, Vol. I. No. 3, Khartoum, Pp. 202 - 204.

[1] AÊmad A. Naîr, Op.Cit, p. 40.

[1] 'Ali al-ˆaw (1988), Op.Cit, Pp. 80-90.

[1] Kāfi, Op.Cit, 36.

[1] Wāza, vol. III, Op.Cit.

[1] 'Ali al-ˆaw (1988), Op.Cit, p.36.

[1] Abu al-asan Ibn al-ajjāj Muslim (1987), SaÊÌÊ Muslim, part 13, Dār al-Galam, Beirut, p. 441.

[1] al-Jawhari (1980), Op.Cit, p. 480.

[1] AÊmad Abd al Halim (1939), "Native Medicine and Ways of Treatment in the Northern Sudan", Sudan Notes and Records, vol. XXII No. 22, part 1, Khartoum, Pp. 27 - 48.

[1] El Safi, 1970, Op.Cit.

[1] 'Awn al-ShfarÌf Gāsim (1985), Gāmñs al-Lahaja al-'ĀmÌya fil-Sudan, second print, al-Maktab al-Maîri al-adÌth, Cairo, p. 57.

[1] al-Sādig MuÊammad Sulaymān (1982), "al-urñz fil-Sudan", MA Dissertation, Folklore Department, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, Khartoum.

[1] Imān asan 'Awa¼ (2002), "al-'Ilāj bil-'Ashāb fi al-£ib al-Sha'bi", MA Dissertation, Folklore Department, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, khartoum.

[1] SamÌr YaÊya al-Jammāl (ND), al-'Ilāj al-Shāfi bil-Nabātāt, Maktabat Madbñli, Cairo, p. 29.

 

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