The Social Activity of the Jewish Community in Sudan

Wed, 27 Sep 2017

 Mohamed Mustafa Al-Nour



This study discussed the social activity of the Jewish community in Sudan, by focusing on the history of the Jewish existence in Sudan and the growth of their numbers to the formation of the Sudanese Jewish community and at last their departure from Sudan.

•    The Jewish existence in Sudan until 1899
•    The growth of the numbers of Jews after 1899 and the formation of the Jewish community
•    The social activity of the Jewish community in Sudan (1899 – 1970)
•    The departure of Jews from Sudan: as a conclusion
•    Resources, references and footnotes


The Jewish Presence in Sudan until 1899:

The names Ham’s sons were Kush, Mizriam, Phut and Canaan. The sons of Kush were Saba, Havilah, Sabatah, Raamah, Sabtechah” , and another time in a warning format, “Woe to the land of the rustling wings beyond the rivers of Kush, which sends messengers into the sea in papyrus boats floating over the water…” . The third reference came in the Book of Zaphniah in which the Land of Kush was referred to as the Land of the supplicators to the Lord, “So says the Lord: wait for me I determined on the day that I am a witness to gather the whole nations and kingdoms to pour out my wrath on them, and heats up my anger, because the whole earth shall be eaten by fire of my fury. Then purest lips of people to call all of them on behalf of the Lord and worship side by side. Advance my sacrifice my people from behind the rivers of Kush, where the supplicators live to me” .
It must be understood from those statements that the Old Testament, the holy book of the Jews, came to know the Land of Kush, and distinguished between its people, the breed of Kush and the Land of Egypt and its people, the breed of Mizriam. Some of the people of Kush knew Judaism or at least worshiped the God of the Jews and supplicated to it, as stated in the Holy Book.
The New Testament claims that the Jews had known their way to the court of the Kingdom of Meroe, and worked in the government of Kendake. One of them had even reached the post of the Minister of Financial Affairs of Kendake. According to the Acts of the Apostles, which represents a historical record of the origins of the Church and its extension, it is stated: "... then that an angel of the Lord spoke to Philip and said to him: Arise, go towards the south, walking on the wild road between Jerusalem and Gaza. And he arose and went. An Abyssinian eunuch, working as a minister of financial affairs with Kendake Queen of Ethiopia, who had performed pilgrimage to Jerusalem to prostrate at it, and he was a passenger in his cart returning to Abyssinia, reading in the Book of the Prophet Isaiah (...).  "
Father Vantini thought probably that event occurred around the year 37, more than 500 years before the emergence of the Christian kingdoms in Sudan , and that Kendake, Queen of Ethiopia was the queen of Meroe - Kaboshia  "as many documents confirmed that this title was unique to the queen of Meroe – Kaboshia” ". Perhaps the acquaintance of this eunuch with Jewish religion a natural matter, if what Vantini claimed that Alphentina Island, south of Aswan, had a Jewish community of a million people, that used to monopolize trade between Egypt and Nubia .
We read between the lines of text: there was a common language between the eunuchs and between Phelps; perhaps the Greek language, the language by which prophet Isaiah book was written. We conclude that Judaism was a religion known in the kingdom of Meroe. Perhaps the arrivals to Meroe of Jewish merchants, preached it, and spread it in Meroe court. At least, faith in them had reached the point of pilgrimage to Jerusalem in order to prostrate in it. We may also conclude that Jewish merchants had an influential existence in the area extending south of Egypt and northern Nubia. The material friction, the linguistic communication and religious have known Sudanese and Jewish peoples of both the other.
Some sources listed a number of oral narratives collected by some researchers indicating the arrival of a group of Jews to Sudan in search of a safe haven for themselves and the Temple of Solomon, the most important of which: the narrative of Michele Parker, a pastor with a church orientation collect this novel the narrator (Sheikh Abdullah) in January 1969 Al-Jeraif area, west of Khartoum; and states that he presented the narrative to the narrator's family, consisting of more than three hundred individuals. They all confirmed the accuracy of the facts. The narrative events occurred between Palestine, Yemen, Libya, Sudan and southern Egypt. In Sudan, it took place between the villages of Jarad and Nafei in Kordofan province, and the cities of Khartoum and Wad Medani. Parker said that he had visited the Sudanese regions mentioned in the narrative and verified it himself . There is also the narrative of Salah Omer Sadiq , novel Mohamed Abdel Gader  cycle, novel Salah Mohammed Ahmed , a novel Mohammed Adam Fasher , novel Meki Abu Garja .
Most of these narratives, as it seems to me, are copies from the Axumite Kibrankst narrative. In general, we can sum up the basic core message of all these narratives after stripping it to: a group of Jews migrated to Yemen, and then came to Sudan through Upper Egypt, carrying with them a religious of or cultural knowledge unheard of by the people of Sudan, and settled area of Kordofan . Whatever the case might be, it is certain that Sudan had witnessed wide Arab-Semitic migrations between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries, carrying with them cultural and religious knowledge that resulted in the emergence of Islamic kingdoms.  Some of these migrations came through Egypt and Yemen across the Red Sea.
During the reign of the Egyptian-Turkish rule in Sudan (1821- 1885) the city in Sudan became comprised of a mixture of groups and races who were attracted by business and glamor of the city. The city residents of foreign merchants of Egyptians, Arabs, Indians and Europeans, who set up their consulates and their companies. They spread even in Equatoria Province. It was estimated the number of foreigners in Khartoum alone, except for the Egyptians, in 1883 one thousand five hundred to two thousand people .
No Sudanese city was void of the presence Government staff, traders or foreign travelers. This was encouraged by the nature of the open society in the Sudanese cities at the time and the willingness to accept aliens in the life of impudence that was drowned in tampering and vigorous pursuance of sexual pleasure .
There appeared among foreign traders in the Sudanese city moneylenders, who would conduct lending and transferring money out of country. We understand from all this that the city of Sudan, which had grown steadily during the Egyptian-Turkish era, which coincided with the high standard of living enjoyed by foreign traders and, the nature of openness in the community of the city, the prosperity of foreign traders, the emergence of transfers of financial, banking. All these reasons made Sudan attractive to foreign trader, who were ambitious to accumulate profits, and searchers for better economic conditions. Of course, Jews were among them. The truth is that most parts of the Ottoman Empire in the early nineteenth century, unlike Egypt and Sudan, were suffering from a terrible decline in the economy, compared with its booming economy in the sixteenth century. Many internal and external factors had caused the deterioration of the Ottoman economy, including the diminishing importance of the Mediterranean Sea economically by shifting to the Atlantic, a major commercial corridor. Also, the state committed erroneous policies such as the entry into numerous wars, the constant permanent deficit in the balance of payment , had been some of the most important internal factors that caused crisis in Ottoman economy, as demonstrated in the high rate of inflation. In light of these circumstances, we can understand the influx of numbers of Jews, mostly Sephardic, to Sudan, the new center of attraction. Jews in Sudan, under Egyptian Turkish rule, enjoyed full freedom to practice their religion rituals, and they had a chief and a spokesman that represented them before the official authorities, Ben Zion Koshti. He allocated part of his house to perform their Jewish rituals and other religious events and prayers, such as Shabbat.
In the era of Mahdi State all "infidels" had been forced to convert to Islam and called them "Masalmeh". They were closely watched, including their presence at the mosque. The Caliph appointed Ahmed Ould Bishara to monitor these "Masalmeh" and was staying with them, and perhaps was allowed, by virtue of his job, to enter their homes for inspection every now and then. Mahdism awarded those Masalmeh wide plots of land in Omdurman, of more than 1000 m2.  The region was named "Masalmeh. "Some of the Masalmeh resided in Khartoum. Among these "Masalmeh" lived the Jews who were forced to become Muslims, and to disconnect their ties with their relatives in Egypt, and were forced to marry Muslim Sudanese women.”
Perhaps the Jews, from their experience with such pressures, they were able to accommodate themselves to this new situation. Some of them even used to practiced their rituals secretly before going to the mosque . Ben Xeon Koshti, changed his name to Bassiouni, and was able with his cunning and experience to gain the confidence of the caliph to be tasked with performing some big business missions for him, including swap of Sudanese products with imported goods from Suakin, and other forms of commerce. His influence reached the point he represented all the Jews in the Caliph court and defended their interests in the face of Ansar attacks .

The growth of the number of Jews in Sudan after 1899 and the formation of the Jewish community:


1896 saw the entry of the first railway train to Sudan. Loaded inside its carriages, together with the equipment of Condominium Government army, were numbers of Jews who came to Sudan holding commercial ambition and search for new outlets for economic activity. Some of them were employed in the military service of the British. Perhaps the best representative of those Jews was Murad Ismael Al-Ayeni, who came to Sudan food contractor for soldiers and army officers. The new government rewarded him by awarding with first commercial license in Khartoum North where the railway line ended. So, what were the reasons for these Jews to come to Sudan in the Condominium rule? To what extent was the link between the Jews and Britain? What was the impact of the British care on status of the Jews in Egypt? Did this care reflect on Jews flocking to Sudan? What were the social groups to which the Jews arriving to Sudan belonged? What were the economic activities they adopted in Egypt? Did they transfer it with them to Sudan? What were the profit opportunities that were available to them in Sudan? And how the Jewish personality take advantage of these opportunities?
Egypt fell into the grip of the British occupation since 1882. This occupation created the favorable conditions for the continued prosperity of the Jewish community in Egypt, which started since the establishment of the modern Egyptian state during the era of Mohamed Ali Pasha (1805-1848) . Britain was the main ally of the Jewish national movement. It was the state that awarded them Balfour Declaration to establish a national home in Palestine, and worked to deliver what it promised. Under the umbrella of this care, the Jews started practicing their activities without interference in Egypt. Egypt had, in fact, become the base for mobilization before takeoff. The alliance between Britain and the Jewish minorities deepened during the First World War. Jews enlisted in large numbers to participate alongside Britain in the war.  Jewish military units were formed near Alexandria in 1915, named the "The sons of Zion Brigades". Their numbers ranged between 500 and 900 soldiers. Subsequently about 150 of Alexandria Jews joined them. In 1917, when the war was going to the disadvantage of the Allies, new numbers of volunteer Jews formed a "Jewish Legion", which was officially announced in London by the name of Battalion (83) under the command of Colonel John Henry Patterson, a Jew officer. Troops were sent to Egypt in 1918, and later formed the battalion (39) then Battalion (40) of the Jewish Legion. The Jews of Egypt were the strength of these military units.  Special Jews recruitment offices were opened in Cairo and Alexandria .
Jews made up an important functional group for UK both in terms of military and financial expertise, which assisted in boosting the British economy. At the same time, their presence was a source of concern for Britain. Faced with the constant influx of Jews from Eastern Europe, across the English Channel forced Britain to issue a "list of aliens", which attempted to keep Jewish immigrants from entering the British Isles. The British were busy thinking about finding alternatives to resettle the Jews. Those circumstances manifested itself, later, in the Balfour Declaration of 1917. In light of this, we can understand the reasons for the British care extended to the Jew in the Arab region, in Egypt and Sudan in particular.
Jews infiltrated into the depth of economic, social and political system in Egypt. They occupied prominent and sensitive economic and political positions, so that the King was surrounded by attendants, most of whom were Jews who enjoyed his confidence and influence at the same time. The nature of the Egyptian society, as a on an emerging bourgeois society, in the end of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, helped in allowing the Jews to exercise their economic and social activity in freedom and wide, some of them even managed to take control of the important aspects in the Egyptian economy.
As for Sudan, and since its fall in the hands of the Anglo-Egyptian occupation, Britain enjoyed absolute power in under the Condominium Rule Agreement. Lord Kitchener, the previous Sardar of the Egyptian army, Governor General of Sudan, declared the opening of the country to trade on December 12, 1899.  It seems the Jewish capital considered the declaration a call for them to invest in Sudan.
The approach of Kitchener’s successor, Wingate Pasha, did not differ from his predecessor, his predecessor in opening the door to foreign trade, nurturing and encouraging trade. We read in his publication related to his policy, which initiated his position as Governor General of Sudan: (... when this was done I proceeded to trade and expanded its fields for you, and I have offered you the flow of its profits and provided you with the profits and I have done everything the government situation allows such as the adjustment of taxes, land taxes and transportation costs  ... What did the Jewish capital need to flow from Egypt to Sudan?
We can generally divide the Jews of Egypt, who came to Sudan into two categories, the first category: Represented by Jews who acquire Egyptian or European nationalities. This category enjoyed an economically prosperous situation and they were in the top of social and economic pyramid in Egypt. They accumulated profits, business capital, established companies and financial firms. By the end of Mahdi state and the beginning of the new era of Condominium rule in Sudan, new markets for investment, trade and export of Sudanese products, import of the Government of Sudan, and its residents needs for textiles, sugar and various consumer goods were opened for this category. Great numbers of this category came to Sudan and founded branches of their companies. The government also used many of them to manage the country's affairs and qualify it for linking it with the global capitalist market. Most of this category settled in Khartoum, which was fit their class position. The institutions of the Jewish community, such as synagogues and clubs, were built on their shoulders, but their contact with the Sudanese surroundings was weak and merely some relations with the notables of the country, merchants and government officials.
The second category were less wealthy than the first. Most of the members of this group did not hold any nationality at all. They depended in their economic activity on their professional skills and commercial experience. This category found in the "new" Sudan, which did not have its population qualified yet to accommodate the new era; lacked education, vocational and trade rehabilitation; still living a traditional a form of life. They found in it an opportunity to invest their talents. They were active in the retail trade, and in trades, such as sewing, and repair of sunglasses and watches. It seems that most of them settled in the Omdurman: Jewish Quarter, in the neighborhood of Bosta, Masalmeh, and Abu Roaf. Perhaps they chose Omdurman, because of its popular style, its low cost of living; to invest in the huge available purchasing power, the nature of trade types practice there. They also settled in some other commercial cities in Sudan, such as the Khartoum North, Kassala, Obeid, Wad Medani. The latter seems to have witnessed a significant commercial boom, especially after the establishment of Jezira Scheme and the flow of labor that created a profitable purchasing power. A good number of Jews arrived to Wad Medani. They obtained the best residential land in the city. This category of Jews cohered with the Jews of Sudan, who had lived through the Mahdist era. It seems that some of the families of this category were more open to the Sudanese society, blended well with it; absorbed the customs and traditions of the Sudanese and intermarried with them. A great part of them converted to Islam, or got Sudanized at least. Some of them ultimately refused to leave Sudan.
Successively more Jews kept arriving from Egypt to Sudan to work in retail commerce because of the high profits in this activity. They founded shops, not only in Omdurman, but in several other cities of Sudan. We note that most of these Jews came individually at first, but soon their families, their relatives, and their friends followed them, which reflects the stabilization of their situation, and the ability of Sudan to accommodate more of them. These families were associated with the Jews of Egypt with ties of kinship. They seem to have brought with them from Egypt the same patterns of economic activities. So, they specialized in cotton trade, silk fabrics, textiles and sewing supplies, in addition to leather trade, wool and gum Arabic. Usually every family specializes in one economic activity or two at the most.
With the onset of the financial crisis (1930- 1938) Some Jews emigrated outside Sudan, but they soon returned. Perhaps their situation in Sudan under this crisis was better than others, as new numbers flowed into Sudan and intermingled with those Jews who preceded them. Many Ashkenazi Jews came to Sudan, to escape the Holocaust, and in searchers of security and religious freedom, which was available for them in Sudan under the British care . The Jews who were in Sudan since Egyptian Prince Turki, who Dahnoa Mahdia, it has rebounded some after entering bilateral government troops to Omdurman, and perhaps they were able to Judaize their children and Sudanese wives .

Social activity of the Jewish community in Sudan (1899- 1970):


The Jews of Sudan extended their absolute solidarity to the new occupation. Perhaps the harsh conditions they experienced in Mahdi sate including coercive Islamization and religious discrimination led them to regard the British occupation of Sudan as an independence for them and a release of the iron collar set by the Mahdi state on their necks, and on all religious minorities. We understand from the diary of Joseph Mikhail how these minorities were awaiting the arrival of Kitchener forces to Sudan with avid and anxious desire for salvation .
As a result of the volunteering of Egyptian Jews in the British army, they gained a special favor with the new government in Sudan, especially because the bulk of the Jews of Sudan had arrived from Egypt. The Hakhambachi, chief rabbi of Egypt, was responsible for the care of religious affairs of Jews in Sudan . Perhaps the Jews of Egypt, and British Jews to some extent, worked in favor of Sudan Jews and pressed to achieve a good deal of stability and protection for them. This can be understood from the establishment of the Egyptian and British Jews of charity organizations to help Jews around the world such as the Organization " Virgins Dowry", "Milk Point", "Charity in Secret," and "Bnei Brit", which practiced charity work in both Cairo and Alexandria, it opened a branch in Sudan. These organizations provided a helping hand to needy Jews everywhere , no doubt including the Jews of Sudan.
The Egyptians Jews, the "new" arrivals, worked in the field of cotton trade. This activity was almost fully monopolized by the British, but those new arrivals benefited from their experience in this field and competed with the British companies. They formed a few companies to work in the cotton trade, including Khartoum for Cotton and Alexandria for Cotton . They intermingled in social life with their predecessor Jews in Sudan. Perhaps the proficiency of Jews in Arabic language, of Egyptian or Lebanese dialect, made the British authorities hire them mediators between them and the local population in Sudan as translators, or executive employees of its policy. The British used to avoid the appointment of the Egyptians, which aggravation after the assassination of Sir Lee Stack in Cairo (1924), and the 1924 revolution in Sudan. In contrast, the government provided Jews with influence, protection and care. Not a single complaint about ill-treatment of Jews was presented throughout the period of Condominium Rule in Sudan , unlike the case of the Jews in North Africa under the French occupation . In fact, the Jews found in Sudan, what enabled them to control the joints of Foreign Trade . The British Administration granted them Sudanese passports, both for the Jews living in the Sudan, or those who came to the country after occupation . The British administration adopted Jewish traditions and religions in family law the personal was applied to the Jewish community, and authorized the rabbi of the Jews to decide on issues concerning the Jews and given authority to his decision shall be binding on the courts of Sudan, in the cases involving the two ends of the Jews, application and implementation .
Jews reached the ability in intervening in the affairs of government to declare their protest against the decision by the Director of Khartoum Centre to imposes on merchants to close their commercial shops on Friday and Sunday. They demanded that this decision should include Saturday to enable Jews to perform their prayers . We can read the extent of prevalence and stability of the Jews in Sudan in the newspaper Al-Rai Al-Aam, " Khartoum has become foreign with no trace Arabism or nationalism, wherever you walk in the roads you will find these huge buildings and ask yourself, that this building belongs to the Jew so and so, and that villa was built by the Jewish so or so, and this open land was purchased by a third Jew from its national owner at a high price (...). Even the agricultural land owned by national poor people in the suburbs, was exposed to attempts of purchase by the Jews with alluring prices ."
Despite the lack of precise statistics of the number of Jews in the Sudan during the Condominium Rule, a number of clues lead us to believe that it was not great, but it was growing day after day. Barnett, publisher of ‘Jewish Chronicle’, stated that the number of Jews during his visit to Sudan was about 350 persons; while Eliyahu Solomon Malka had estimated the number of Jews in Sudan in the era of Condominium Rule to about 1,000 individuals. Hakhmbachi of Egypt cited in his report of his visit to the Jews in Sudan in 1908, that the number of the Jews he met were about 20 men; If we add to this number 20 wife, a wife for every man, with an average of two to three children per household, the number of Jews in the Sudan can be estimated between 80 to 100 people. Perhaps Barnett stated the number of the Jews he met, or maybe it was the number of the adults, who attend the Jewish Club. In light of these possibilities, I do not see a conflict between the two statistics. We expect that the number of the Jews who participated in the establishment of the community and the election of its board did not exceed 100 people, of whom 20 people have only the right to vote. The number of Jews grew after this period, but did not exceed 1,000 people divided between the cities of Khartoum, Khartoum North and Omdurman, Medani, Port Sudan, Shendi, Meroe, Obeid and Al-Nehud.
Rabbi Solomon Maka arrived in Sudan, coming from Tiberias, in Palestine, passing through Egypt, in response to Rabbi Eliyahu Hazan, Hakhambachi of Alexandria, Egypt's chief rabbi, who was acting as chief rabbi of Libya, and had also become among the envoys of the Jewish settlement in Palestine . Perhaps the Jewish community in Sudan was a branch of its counterpart in Egypt. In consistent with Egypt hold to rights in Sudan, the King used to appoint one chief rabbi of Egypt and Sudan. In 1925, King Fuad issued a royal decree appointing Rabbi Haim Nahum, the deputy in the Egyptian parliament and member of the Linguistic Complex in Egypt, a Chief Rabbi of Egypt and Sudan .
Eliyahu Hazan noticed the steady growth of Jews in Sudan with no rabbi to organize their religious life, so he issued an order to Rabbi Solomon to travel to Sudan and assume the duty of religious affairs and the organization of community affairs of Sudan Jews . Solomon Malka was a twenty years old rabbi at the time, specialized in the Torah and the Talmud, a member of the religious court (Beit Din) in Tiberias, and approved by three Ashkenazi rabbis in Safed, who acknowledged his ingenuity and religious knowledge. At this age, knowledge and religious fervor, we can understand the urge that Malka brought with him to Sudan.
Malka started his activities in Sudan by founding and organizing the community, and the establishment of a temple to practice Jewish rituals. However, a large number of Jews had converted to Islam under the oppression of the Mahdi state. As he cared for organizing the community and establishing the temple, he could not achieve that relying on newcomer Jews alone. Malka initiated an invitation to the Mahdi State Jews to bounce Islam to Judaism, and do what was required in converting Sudanese Muslim wives and children to Judaism as Judaism accepts the converted Jew "gentiles" of joining .
It appears that the improving economic conditions of non-Muslims in the Condominium Rule, the ingenuity and charisma of the new Rabbi, and the temptations of these two factors had resulted in the conversion of many "Masalmeh" with their wives and children to the Jewish religion. Perhaps the first Sudanese who converted to Judaism with her husband was "Menna Bassiouni," and given the name "Hanna bit "according to the traditions of Halakha . And a converted Jew with her children: Naima "Naomi" and Esther, and Daoud and declared Thadeh officially on January 31, 1908, in the presence of Hakhambachi Alexandria, Egypt's Chief Rabbi Eliyahu Hazan . One year after the arrival of Rabbi Malka. "Rosa Suleiman Hindi, wife of the Jew "Shalom Jewish Hakim, followed shortly after and nicknamed "Rosa Al-Sudania", who moved to Israel after the death of her husband and the establishment of the Israel . Soon a considerable number of Mahdist Jews and their Sudanese families declared their Judaism.
 Some of the converted Jews hanged to their Islamic religion, such as Suleiman Mendil later became an ardent Muslim and strived to do what he could in order to lift Islam in Sudan . His justification was that he had fathered children from his Sudanese wives, and thus his sons and daughters would not find equal acceptance ethnically - religious among white skinned Jews newly flocking from Egypt, because their mothers were Sudanese .
Not only did the new Sudanese Jews revive the "Masalmeh" to celebrate the visit of Rabbi Eliyahu Hazan, they also honored him by establishing a council for the Jewish community. Under his auspices, the first election to the Jewish community in Sudan was held on January 30, 1908 at the Synagogue of Omdurman. The meeting agreed to honor their representative in the Turkish-Egyptian and Mahdi eras, Ben Zion Koshti. They elected him president for life of the Jewish community in Sudan. The meeting also decided to hold a community meeting in January of each year to accommodate newcomer Jews during the year, and re-elect the Community Council. The result of the elections was sent to the Sudanese government in an official report by the Community Council. However, this new body was not formally acknowledged until 1933, which can be seen from the correspondence between the Community Council and the Administrative Secretary of the government of Sudan .
The Jewish Community in Khartoum was the center and heart of the Jews in Sudan. It included the wealthy Jews in the Executive Board. They, in turn, run several companies operating in different regions of Sudan. They accommodated in their subsidiaries the Jews existing in those areas. In contrast the Jewish Community in Sudan was a tributary of the Jewish community in Egypt. Perhaps Egypt, too, were tributary to the Jewish communities in the Middle East. About 90% of the Jewish Community members in Sudan were of Sephardim origins, who came to Sudan through Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria. Some of them came from France, Italy, Greece and Turkey. The fewer Ashkenazi were integrated into the life of Sephardim, married, mostly from Sephardi Jews in Egypt and Sudan . Some Jews bore in their titles the places they came from such as Baghdadi, Moroccan, Halabi, and Soloni (referring to Salonika). Most of the Jews got Egyptian culture before coming to Sudan . Most of the Jews of Sudan used to speak Arabic in Egyptian or Sham accent, while the Jews coming from Europe, were speaking English or French language alongside Arabic, which was conversational, communication and convergence language among all the Jews of Sudan .
Sudan did not have a special Jews ghetto , as was the situation in most parts of the world, even though they had population centers such as the residence in a Masalmeh neighborhood and the lane of Jews in Omdurman, Khartoum neighborhood of Abu Saleeb. Most of the Jews were of upper class or middle-income , in addition to enjoying some education, enabling them intermingling with the elite of the Sudanese society at the time of the big traders and wealthy and dignitaries Khartoum and community leaders, intellectuals and the emerging Sudanese bureaucracy, establishing intimate relationships with them.
Relations between Jews and Sudanese was based on the Jews who lived through the era of Mahdist state, craftsmen, small traders, and middle-income homeowners, and "Masalmeh", and Jews Anonymous. Perhaps the biological link imposed by Mahdists by forcing "Masalmeh" to marry Sudanese wives, was the base for communication and close relations between Jews and Sudanese. One of the such example was the marriage of Suleiman Mandeel of a Sudanese woman. He lived in Obeid and fathered Sudanese sons. His son Daoud was known for wide press activity.
There was no newspaper in Sudan other than (Hadharat El-Sudan Civilization of Sudan). The government encouraged its establishment. Its concession was granted to the three of the masters: Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi, Ali Al-Mirghani, and Sharif Yousef Al-Hindi. It was a semi-official newspaper that reflected the Government of Sudan opinion. Daoud Mandeel initiated Convergence of the Two Rivers Newspaper , which was published in favor of the pioneers of the national movement in Sudan . Daoud Mandeel was also interested in Sudanese heritage was the first to publish the Sudanese Dubait poetry, Ratib Al-Imam Al-Mahdi, and Tabagat Wad Dheif Allah . In general, the descendants of Solomon Mandeel became wholeheartedly Sudanese in affection and affiliation, and they exerted everything they could for this affiliation.
A bright example of the interaction of Jews with the Sudanese life was the family of the merchant al-Baghdadi Daoud Israel Benjamin who married, during Mahdist era, a Sudanese woman who gave birth to one of the pioneers of the national movement, a vanguard dramatists in the Sudan, Mr. Ibrahim Israel famous by Ibrahim Israeli.
Mr. Ibrahim Israel was elected in the first committee of Alumni Club , and he was theoretically shareholders in the establishment of this club . In spite of the fact that the honorary presidency of this club belonged to Mr. Samson, the British deputy director of Education, but the formation of the Committee members reflected the national nature of the club.  Beside Abraham Israel, the Committee included a number of the pioneers of the National movement such as: Sheikh Ahmed Osman Al-Gadhi, Mr. Mohamed El-Hassan Diab, Mr. Derdiry Mohamed Osman, et al.
Among the Jews who joined the national movement in Sudan was the young college student Gordon Dmitry Bazaar, of Greek father, and a descended on one hand of a Jewish Austrian mother and was the grandson of Slatin Pasha. He was dismissed from college after protests and demonstrations organized and carried out by the Gordon College of students in 1919 in solidarity with Saad Zaghloul Revolution in Egypt .
the Jewish capital participated in advancing the national movement. Some sources indicate that Isaac Israel donated money out of his own resources for the establishment of Graduates Club . Also, Habib Cohen donated through his company with Osman Saleh to create the National Cinema, which became the first public shareholding Sudanese company .
Despite the fact that a large number of Mahdi Jews converted back from Islam, however, religious affiliation did not stand in the way of biological link, or the possession of the Sudanese identity. They retained this link developed and reinforced it with social relations. It appears that most of these "merged" had decided to depart the Jewish religion, or they were secular Jews as Judaism denies marriage between Jews and non-Jews, considers such a marriages immoral and mere constant adultery, and the children born out of this cohabitation "illegitimate" .
In confirmation of this the sons of Israel Benjamin Daoud were refused the right to pray in the synagogue by the Jews because they were not descendants from a Jewish mother. The children of Israel demanded the right to pray in the synagogue until it matters reached scuffling by hands. Matters concluded with the eldest son of Israel announced abandonment of the Jewish religion and joining Islam, followed by his brothers .
Shawgi Badri noted in his writings about the city of Omdurman to favors made by some Jewish families of and explained the deep engagement in the Sudanese life with its customs and traditions. He gave examples of the many voluntary marriages that took place between Sudanese and Jews. A famous example was the marriage of Mohammed El-Fadhl, the first Sudanese director of the Railways Department, to Ms. Rose Israel, and the marriage of Isaac Israel to the Daughter of Mohammed Abdul Rahim, of the prominent Sudanese historian. Most of these marriages resulted in successful families and educated sons .
It seems the Jews had succeeded in their attempt to integrate into the Sudanese identity, as no indication of extremism against the Jews was registered in Sudan throughout that period. Only a few cases were adopted by some groups affected by the flourishing economic status of the Jews . We can understand the extent of this integration, if we know that the Jews of Sudan had established associations to the Jews of Sudan in their emigration settlements, and used to attend forums, concerts and places frequented by Sudanese, and haste to airport lounges to receive the Sudanese visitors and exaggerate in hosting them, and practicing Sudanese habits in food and wedding. Shawgi Badri tells about a splendid Jewish wedding ceremony at the Hilton Hotel of Tel Aviv took in the protocol of the rituals and traditions of Sudan .
Of course, the integrity of the Jews in Sudanese life was not absolute. It can be said that the trend of the Jewish national sentiment started growing amid the community. This current had its role in the emergence of a Zionist activity among the Jewish community in Sudan.
The Jewish groups were affected by the Alhscalah Movement  advocated the merger of the Jews in the homelands and peoples where they reside, but they quickly reverted to Jewish nationalism when faced with lack of acceptance of other communities to the Jewish groups . Many thinkers believe that Jewish nationalism is deeply-rooted in the Jewish religion itself. "History has never known a racism similar to the Jewish history in its cohesion and intractability of evolution and self-sufficiency. Perhaps the most important reason for its solidity of this racism is that it relies on religious factors."  The national sentiments started to thrive among the Jewish communities under the pattern "that the sacred is the national and the national is the sacred."  Thus, the Jewish nationalism gained religious support in addition to ethnic connotation. Consequently, it claimed historic and religious right to establish a political entity . It claimed that the Jews make a pure race . Israel Shahak believes that the legend of the Holy Land was an important reason for the growth of the national sentiment of the Jews , but it is not the only reason, as it interferes with the myth of God's chosen people . These religious myths established so that they occupied a place in the sense independent of religion. There are Jews who do not believe in the existence of God himself, yet at the same time they believe that He granted them the Land of Israel !
It seems that the Sephardic Jews in the Arab countries turned towards the Jewish nationalism as a reaction to the growing nationalism in the Arab countries in its bid to disintegrate of the Ottoman Empire . Judaism turned in light of this situation from a spiritual association, similar to other religions, to a racist nationalist Jewish association claimed that the issue is a national issue .
Referring to the organic, economic, social, organizational interdependence between Sudan Jews and the Jews of Egypt; and as Egypt was the scene of the Zionist Movement activities since its beginnings , especially in Alexandria, which its Hakhambacha used to oversees the Jews of Sudan. It is only natural that the feeling of uniqueness and sense of nationalism and Judaism to the Jews of Sudan. After all, the Jewish nationalism sentiments moved to the Jews of Sudan, one way or another. The sharp nationalist orientation of Rabbi Melka was influential in the crystallization of this feeling among the Jews of Sudan. The Jewish Synagogue in Khartoum used to teach their children commend Alhatikvah Hatikvah, which commend feeds hopes to return to the Promised land, and the children Petrdidh at various events that are held in the synagogue or the Jewish club . the first two sections of this anthem can be translated as follows:
As long as the spirit of the Jew in the depths of the heart yearns
And our eyes aspire to Zion
Our hope is never lost
In the return to the land of parents ... the land of Zion ...
Hope of two thousand years
To become free in our homeland
Our Ancient land
The land of Jerusalem … the land of Zion...
An alteration was made of this anthem after the founding of the Zionist entity (1948) to:
Our hopes are still present and did not vanish
Our dreams of Free life in our land
The land of Zion … the land of Zion ...
The prayer sermon in the synagogue in Khartoum was filled with supplications, including supplication to King George V, King Fouad year, the British Governor General, Sir Herbert Samuel, and the British High Commissioner in Palestine. After the establishment of the State of Israel the sermon included prayer for Chaim Weizmann and Ben-Gurion .
One of the important elements that reveal the emergence of Jewish nationalism among the Jews of Sudan are the denotations of the names of some members of the community, as Talmud mentioned that a person's name affects his future. The name, also reflects the psychology of the group that called it. The name constitutes, at the same time, one of the most important determinants of behavior of the named person after h becomes aware of the intended meaning of the name. We find in the Old Testament some of the characters change their names after being exposed to an important experience to accommodate the new significance. The most famous of these names, is the name of Israel himself, taken by Jacob .
Names of Jews in Sudan indicated the ingrained Jewish religious culture, which is the most important tributaries that fed the national feeling of the Jews in Sudan, from which the biblical names are drawn such as:  Jacob (son of Isaac, a biblical name), Isaac (the son of Abraham, which means laughing and called by that name because of Abraham and his wife Sarah laughed when they heard the omen that they would have a son and they were in old age), Abraham (the father of the Jews and was named Avraham altering named by order of the Lord to Ovrahim), Benjamin (younger brother of Joseph), Ezekiel, Israel (which is the name he acquired Jacob after he wrestled the Lord and the descendants of Jacob and the twelve tribes were called, Saul (a name of Saul the son of Qah, the first king of the children of Israel), Simeon (mentioned as the name for the second son of Jacob and Leah), Moses (which is Moshe, and it means the saved from water, the younger brother of Mary and Aaron, and the son of Amram and Yuhackhed), Daoud (King of Israel), Suleiman and Solomou and Shlomo (Solomon was the third King after the Sons of Israel got accustomed to the monarchy), Esther (a Jewish queen and a religious heroine commemorated in the Jewish history because she saved her uncle Mordechai and all the Jews of Persia from the massacre hatched by Haman, the Minister of Ahasuerus, king of Persia). The names of the Jews of Sudan with national religious dimension are the recite names such as: Aaron (a Hebrew word that means the coffin or the casket, and is said to be a reference to the Ark of the Covenant or cabinet where the plates kept the Covenant in Solomon) structure. There are also associated with the God like: Elie names (meaning my God), Eliezer (Divine Helper), Eliyahu (He is God), Daniel (the just God). It is the function of racism idea of nationalism names Ben Zion name (the sons of Zion). The names of most of the Jews in Sudan reflect a profoundly religious biblical orientation.
Visits by senior Jews with Zionist tendency to Sudan reinforced national trend initiated by the Jewish community in Sudan since the name Maccabi was chosen as the title of a sports social activity, and their insistence on repeating the Alhatikvah chants. In 1934 Sudan visited the head of the World Zionist Organization, Mr. Nahum Sokolow , a great admirer of Theodor Herzel, has joined him to serve as secretary general of the Zionist Organization, founded by Herzl, as Nahum participated in the Jewish negotiations which culminated in obtaining the Balfour Declaration (1917). He took over the presidency of the Jewish delegation in the Conference of Peace in Paris, (1919). And finally took over the presidency of the Jewish Agency and the World Zionist Organization. He had several books and translations the most important of which was “The History of Zionism”, which analyzes the Western roots of the idea of Zionism. It is the first history of Zionism and makes its official history . Perhaps the big crowded reception he received from the community reflects the growing national sentiments among the Jews in Sudan. A big reception was organized for him at the Maccabi Sports Club attended by all members of the community including the hesitant women and elders. The Community and even led a small procession to welcome the great Guest .
Also, Sudan was visited by Isaac Halevy Hertzog, Chief Ashkenazi Jews Rabbi in Israel, and the father of Chaim Herzog president of the Zionist regime (1983-1993) . The reception was more vigor than the reception of Isaac Nahum Sokolow. The community organized a great reception at the Jewish synagogue in Khartoum, where the children were gathered for him in the synagogue to bless them . This reflects a sort of social upbringing, which the Jewish Community children in Khartoum used to receive. These two significant visits had their impact in the hearts of the members of the Jewish community and transmit the spirit of nationalism in them. How the expressed this feeling towards this, then?
The first form of the Zionist expression of the Jewish community in Sudan was shared in regular writing for the weekly newspaper of the Jewish Sun Weekly issued in Egypt . It was a Jewish newspaper in Arabic, that began publication in 1934 , and was edited by Saad Jacob owners, a senior Zionists in Egypt.
Zionism expressed itself explicitly in Sudan by the arrival of Alexander Ben Lassen, the director of import section in Ray Evans company, to Khartoum, a prominent Zionist from Alexandria. It seems that Alexander Lassen basic task was to recruit a number of Jewish youth who came to Khartoum. We do not know specifically the purpose for which he was recruiting these young people, but it seems obvious that the Zionist dimension was present in this task . The Community had also become a place where Yemeni, Ethiopian and Eritrean Jews gather before being transported to Israel. The Jewish Community in Sudan bore the duty of their housing, subsistence and deported by train to Port Sudan. Then some members of the Community in Port Sudan would transport them by boat to Haifa .
The peak of the emergence of the Jewish national sentiment and practical blatant manifestation of Zionist activity in Sudan appeared in the establishment of a branch of the B'nai Burt in Sudan. So, what was this organization? What were its activities? How did it established its branch in Sudan?
B'nai Brett was initially founded as a body of Jewish fraternal order to "unite the Israelis to work for the development of supreme interests and humanitarian interests," under the slogan "the good treatment, love and harmony among the Jews". B'nai Brit had grown until it its branches spread in 45 countries, and its membership reached about 500 thousand members . B'nai Burt, meaning Brothers Testament, had arisen since 1843. Then established branches in Cairo and Alexandria in 1891 as a charity organization . Balfour Declaration must have given the Organization a new spirit manifested in the widening its base to open a branch in Sudan.
In 1934 the exchequer of B'nai Brit Organization in Egypt, and later its president, Mr. Ezra Rodriguez visited Sudan, where he met with members of the Community, and with the council to discuss the issue of establishing a branch of the organization in Khartoum as part of a regional organization in Cairo. In December of the same year, in the presence of Ezra Rodriguez a branch of B'nai Burt was opened in Khartoum, and was given the name Ben Zion Koshti. Perhaps the name was beyond dispute in Sudan, which will ensure the support of the Jewish community members of the new Zionist Organization. The synagogue in Khartoum witnessed the founding meeting where the Executive office was formed of Ibrahim Sirusa: president, Rabbi Solomon Malka: patron, Dr. Sulaiman Bassiouni: vice president, Eliyahu Malka and Lyon Oortasa Vice-Presidents and the Secretariat of the Organization . The Jews of Sudan participated actively in this Organization, and kept writing in the periodical magazine B'nai B'nai B'irth Magazine. One section of the Magazine was allocated to the Jews of Sudan called "Jews of the Sudan. "
As the head of the Organization branch in Sudan, Ibrahim Sirusa, at the same time he was the head of the Jewish Community in Sudan. The patron of the Organization was the religious leader of the Community. We can conclude that the correlation between Judaism and Zionism in Sudan was based on an intellectual and organizational compound. If we Judge that most of the members of the Jewish community in Sudan were members of the Zionist Organization in Sudan at the same time. Perhaps the fate of the Jewish community in Sudan after leaving confirms what we assumed as the big part of them went to Israel and lived as Jews and Zionists by necessity. Others joined various Zionist organizations including B'nai Bert in France and United States, where they received medals of excellent service.

Exodus from Sudan:

We understand from the report of the Public Security Director in Khartoum in 1938 that until the end of the thirties there were about 40 Jewish families living among the people with complete respect and harmony. Hatred towards the Jews was almost nonexistent. It was restricted to a few people without a definite motive. It was only a reflection of the position of other Arab countries . This statement shows that until then the Jews enjoyed respect and good treatment among the people. The exception, which the report called "the limited category", was not only influenced by the position of other Arab countries, but also by a hidden contradiction caused by the flourishing status of these Jewish families. This "limited group" gradually widened until it became the public opinion in Sudan about the Jews and the public view of the people.
The period following the Second World War saw the collapse of the majority of the regimes that provided the suitable conditions for the growth of Jewish communities in North Africa . In Sudan, the special, represented by the developments witnessed by Sudan, with public represented by the political and historical transformations in the Middle East led to the exodus of the Jews from Sudan.
The situation of the Jewish Community in Sudan started to deteriorate since the end of the forties, from the establishment of the Israeli entity in Palestine (1948) until the beginning of the 1970s when Nimeiri government (1969-1985) applied socialist laws. Between these two dates important stations weakened the status of Jewish Community in Sudan and deepened their alienation. The most important was the success of the Free Officers in the control of the reins of government in Egypt (1952), the independence of Sudan (January 1956), the Tripartite Aggression on Egypt (July 1956) the Setback War (June 1967), and the Arab summit in Khartoum, known as the Three-Nos Conference (1967).
These events were not separate from each other. Therefore, it is not right for us to deal with each one in isolation, especially since it would not change the Sudanese view and acceptance of the Jews, but for the emergence of the Arab Islamic ideology as an effective element that made these events oil on fire, which flourished enmity towards the Jews and their new state.
But ideologies do not arise from a vacuum. They must be based on a concrete foundation of reality. They must find the social mobile that is believed to be an expression of it and thus adopt it. What is, then, this ground on which the hostility to the Jews is based? And how did the Arab ideology express this hostility?
The answer to these questions leads us to consider the internal contradictions of the phenomenon of commercial and economic prosperity of the Jews of Sudan. A large group of national traders were affected by this, and by virtue of their ethnic composition and social consciousness, were the pioneers and leaders of the new society. The rising Sudanese bourgeoisie of officials, intellectuals and administrators descended from this category. The conditions of this category narrowed under the intense competition, which, in most of the cases, was not honorable under the administrative and economic facilities awarded by the Government of the Condominium Rule, to Jews and to foreign traders in general. In this sense, the deterioration of the conditions of the Jews in Sudan was inherent in the prosperity they experienced throughout the period of Condominium Rule. Khartoum witnessed a huge Jewish commercial trade. Jewish merchants were active in purchasing agricultural land around Khartoum, some residential buildings, housing estate and land in Khartoum. National traders and national bourgeoisie in general felt that they were about to lose their economic and social position.
This category publicly expressed their concerns. Al-Rai Al-aam an article stating that: "It may not be more than a few years until Khartoum and the agricultural land areas become the exclusive property of the Jews, without competition by the nationals, because of their commercial skills and experience in investing money for the future, the indifference of the nationals and their poverty, which will make us strangers in our own country, paying the price of our stupidity and poverty in the days to come. " The article reveals the source of the fears of this group: "We do not envy the Jews for the abundance of livelihood that allow them to possess our lands. We also know thoroughly that the Jews, since ever, were opportunists in commerce and construction. "
It seems that the concerns of this group about is economic position had manifested and formed under the Arab ideology supported by Arab culture, language and religion, affiliation or claim to Arab race affiliation. Arab ideology at the time was loud with the struggle against the Jewish seizure of the land of Palestine, which was the best expression of anti-Jewish sentiment: "... but we fear that we will be led to the fate of Palestine - blood, tears, rape and power. The crisis of Palestine started with the individual possession of land in the negligence of its owners and then evolved into the painful situation of present, which became difficult to resolve.”  
The various Sudanese groups, affected by the economic and commercial prosperity of the Jewish community in Sudan, adopted the Arab approach and did their best to disseminate and spread it among the general population. They spread the propaganda against the Jews, and appealed to the Government of Sudan to stop the tide of Jewish trade: "Therefore, we ask the Government of Sudan, which imposed itself a guardian to this people to keep his land and homes away of this new Jewish expansion. Let us not allow it to exploit the poverty and ignorance of the people to establish a situation that would be difficult to the government and the people to resolve in the future. Until the government wakes up to put an end to this, we will repeat our heartbreak by saying goodbye to our capital, goodbye to our lands."
These allegations succeeded in sweeping the Sudanese public opinion, especially in the central region of Sudan, which was dominated by Arab affiliation, and at the same time the center of cultural and political weight in Sudan. The issue of Zionist aggression against Palestine became the main preoccupation of the Sudanese. As a result of this tide of Arabic-Islamism the Sudanese people, especially in the center of the region, abandoned their religious tolerance and the issue of religion became one of the most important issues in the arena.
In 1948, the 60th Committee of the Alumni Conference met to discuss the "rape" of Arab lands in Palestine. The meeting resulted in the formation of two committees, one of which was financial to raise funds and send them to the League of Arab States in support of the Arab armies in Palestine and the other to recruit the Sudanese and send them to the front of Arab armies defending Palestine . It was not strange that the traders at the head of the First Committee were represented in the person of the merchant Sheikh Hassan Haridi and Sheikh Ahmad Al Sayed Al-Fil.
The First Committee succeeded in the collection of 4,000 pounds, a very large sum by the standards of those days, in just three hours , which reflects two things the first: the outbreak of the hostility against the Jews and the response of the Sudanese to the Palestinian right. The response alone was not enough to collect all this money. Second, national traders, and other Arab and Sham merchants and Egyptians affected by the growing commercial influence of the Jews, may have defended themselves to donate to this committee, driven by their own position and perhaps their Arab and Islamic enthusiasm. The military committee succeeded in recruiting 7,500 "jihad" volunteers in Palestine, who were divided into eight brigades. This large number reflects the supremacy of Arab ideology among the Sudanese at that time . The British government did not intervene to stop the activity of these committees. It seems they were reluctant intimidate the Sudanese in fear of reaction based on religious ideology . In this situation, the new ideology of the Arab and Islamic dimensions has expanded, making Palestine a center for it, fed and expressed by the national bourgeoisie.
The popular circles responded to the developments in the situation in Palestine. The shops in the city of Obeid were closed on 11 May 1946 in "honor" of the martyrs in Palestine. The calls in the Sudanese mosques called for support of the Palestinian people. The worshipers prayed to the Higher Committee for Palestine on behalf of "the Arabs of Sudan". They supported the Palestinian right and denounced the "Jewish" aggression . In the meantime, the Jewish tongues in Sudan were chanting to Chaim Weizmann and Ben-Gurion.
Sympathy in favor of the Palestinians was the other side of hostility towards the Jews. The choice of the Zionist movement for the name of Israel, with its Jewish religious symbolism, was the title of their new entity. The intellectuals in this anti-Jewish stream were sympathetic to the Palestinians. Fajr magazine criticized awarding the Jews Palestine at the expense of the Arabs, despite the Arabs support of the allies in the war: "At the expense of the Arabs, then the reward is awarded to the Jews for their assistance to the allies in the war. To say the least, the Arabs do not feel that one day they came out of it with any benefit... and that the role played by the Arabs next to the Allies may not be compared by what the Jews played ... The Jews who come to Palestine stood in the face of the Allies either in subjection to the suppression of the Nazis or in favoring them."
As poetry was one of the tools of militant expression in Sudan at that time, poets express this ideology. Al-Nasir Garib Allah wrote a poem entitled "The Wounded Palestine." The same title was written by Ahmed Mohamed Saleh: "Tell Arabism where the weapon is … how is the struggle and why is the weakness?"  Mohammed al-Mahdi al-Majzoub wrote in response to the Balfour Declaration: "The promise of Balfour! What a promise? Is Balfour a god betrayed by the Jews?   We can say that the sympathy with Palestine and the corresponding hostility towards the Jews, became the general attitude of the Sudanese in general, and intellectuals in particular, in the late 1940s. This position of the Sudanese caused concern among the Jewish Community in Sudan. The situation worsened after the defeat of the Arab armies (1948) and the establishment of Israeli entity. On the other hand, this position reinforced the religious motivation of many Jews to immigrate to the Promised Land.
The situation could stay still. The accelerated events increased the hatred of the Sudanese towards the Jews. In 1952, Jamal Abdel Nasser came to power in Egypt. From the beginning, he adopted the Arab ideology and called for it. The Egyptian media began broadcasting propaganda against Jews and foreigners in general. The Sudanese hearts echoed this propaganda. This period witnessed a national trend and intense partisan activity in the Sudan. In general, that agreed with the Palestinian right, driven by its Arab aspirations and the Islamic stand. Even the Sudanese National Liberation Movement (HISTO), of the leftist tendencies, took a stand of solidarity with the Palestinian people . The national tide in Sudan culminated in the independence of 1956, thus revealing the cover of all the forms of protection and facilities Jewish activities received in Sudan. Only seven months passed, then the tripartite aggression on Egypt occurred.
Although Egyptian-Sudanese relations were not at their best at the time, as Egypt was not happy with the choice of the Sudanese for independence rather than unity with Egypt . However, the Sudanese offered their solidarity with Egypt and sent forces and volunteers to Egypt to defend the "Arab territories". The boycotting of Jews movement and fundraising among trade unions was active . The enthusiasm of the Sudanese towards the hypothesis of Arabism and Arab Unity after the 1967 war and the convening of the Arab summit in Khartoum on August 29 - September 1, the famous Summit Meeting of the three Rejections: "No recognition of Israel, no reconciliation with Israel, and no negotiations With Israel."
The Sudanese "Arab" solidarity and the wave of hostility that we have mentioned, caused great harm to the Jews in Sudan. Eliyahu Solomon Memoirs reflected the situation. He claimed that he complained to Sudanese Prime Minister at the time, Abdullah Khalil about the daily newspapers attacks and campaigns on Jews after the Triple Aggression. He also complained to Sayed Abdul Rahman al-Mahdi of the offensive waged by Sawt al-Umma newspaper . Although Sawt al-Umma newspaper was not attack the Jews after this complaint, yet the offensive of the rest of the newspapers against the Jews became more acute . The government may have expected attacks against the Jews in Sudan, so they decided to protect them without warning them, or perhaps decided to monitor them. The government's eyes began to follow the movements of the Jewish community in Sudan . This censorship must have deepened the feelings of distress and alienation among the members of this community. Faced with these transformations, members of the Jewish Community were forced to leave Sudan. The situation worsened further when Aboud's government decided to withdraw Sudanese nationality from a number of Sudanese Jews .
As the period between 1960 and 1969 witnessed the growth of the Arab-Islamic tide, it witnessed the rise of the socialist tide on the other hand. The two currents were similar in their hostility to the Jews either on the basis of "Arab Islamic solidarity" or "solidarity of the populace and the fight against imperialism disciples in the region" . The Jewish presence in Sudan became nominal in 1970 of a few Jewish families, most of whom were in the stage of full integration into Sudanese society. Even these families changed their names and accepted to live behind the Sudanese robes, such as the family of Mustafa Ishaq, who changed to Mustafa Ishaq Daoud so that a family member could join the Sudanese army. The family of Jacob Daoud al-Aini, whose name was changed to Jacob Daoud Ani, and thus their son was able to join the Sudanese police, and joined his mother’s Ja'alein tribe uncles. Jewish affiliation used to cause harassment to these families since independence until now .
The arbitrary nationalization decrees issued by Nimeiri government were the back breaker of the Jewish Community in Sudan , therefore, they liquidated their businesses. This ended the period of prosperity in the history of Jewish minorities in the Diaspora. The impact of the Jewish community on the economy in Sudan appears to have been considerable as an investing capital, not a productive one. The Sudanese government, just five years later, issued an appeal, more of a plea, for the Jewish capital to return to Sudan, but to no avail .



 Resources, references and footnotes:

  1. [1] The Old Testament, the Book of Genesis, the tenth chapter, verses 6-7.
  2. [1] The Old Testament, the Book of Isaiah, Chapter XVIII, verses 1-2.
  3. [1] The Old Testament, the Book of Zephaniah, chapter III, verses 8-10.
  4. [1] New Testament: Acts of the Apostles, Chapter 8, verses 26-28, the rest of the verses 62 to 93
  5. [1] Vantini: The History of Christianity in Ancient and Nubian Kingdoms and Modern Sudan, Khartoum, 1978, pp 14
  6. [1] Same ref, pp 40-41
  7. [1] Same, pp 14. May be the figure stated by Vantini was an exaggeration. Some references refer to the island as Elephentine, which is a Greek word that means ‘the Island of Elephants’. The first Resident fighting Jewish Diaspora was formed to protect the southern borders of Egypt in favor of the Pharaoh. About Elephantine Island refer to Jews, Judaism and Zionism Encyclopedia, 1st Vol., Dar El-Shorooq, Cairo, 2003, pp 116, 125, 193
  8. [1] The story can be summed up, as Parker understood, from its English version to: "Sheikh Abdullah and members of the village of Jarad belong to the Hawara tribe of Yemen, who arrived in Sudan in the sixteenth century. Locusts are thought to be derived from the Hebrew name Hur, referring to Mount Hor where Aaron's brother Aaron died, and the Hawara tribe spread in different regions and names, but they were known as Hawara in Sudan, Libya, southern Egypt and Yemen. Descended from the Hebrew people, from David, the fruit of the marriage of the Prophet Solomon of Mel Perhaps it is important to point out here that the Jewish sources did not refer to this marriage, as did not mention the Holy Quran, but he mentioned that Queen of Sheba is Balqis and mentioned the mention of the meeting was between them and Solomon.
  9. Solomon sent his royal family away from Israel in anticipation of the coming destruction, and sent his son Davidd to his brothers in Yemen and carried the temple of the covenant and other holy things to be kept in a safe place so that it would not be destroyed with the rest of the kingdom. . Solomon then set up another temple and placed it in the most holy place in the Jewish temple. King Davidd followed seven kings of his tribe who ruled the tribe and were mentioned in the Qur'an as the followers of Surah At-Tawbah. Perhaps the reference here to the noble verse No. 37 of Surah al-Smoke is "the best of good or the people of the people who followed them and destroyed them because they were criminals." The novel goes on to say that these seven kings have been punished, keeping the secret among them generation by generation, and the temple has remained secure and is sponsored by the ruling family. After the reign of the seven kings fell their kingdom in Yemen, part of the tribe moved to southern Egypt, and moved another part to Libya, and the third part chose Sudan. The Al-Taba family left Yemen after a period of these migrations. I first went to southern Egypt and settled in the city of Qena and then migrated to Libya under the leadership of Sheikh Musa El-Barade, who died there and was buried in eastern Libya in a place that bore his name until it was recently changed to a pond. Sheikh Musa had seven sons, the oldest of whom was Shaaheddin. The latter led his brothers in the sixteenth century to southern Egypt and then to Sudan, where they settled in the province of Kordofan. "The envoys are coming out of Egypt ... and Ethiopia will respond quickly to the servants of the Lord." The inhabitants of Sudan lived on the banks of the Nile, and Kordofan was uninhabited by its desert nature and was chosen by the Shia as a place of stability. Since their arrival, they have received respect from the people of the region, where they have demonstrated the dignity of the Shia. The Sultan of Kordofan cut off the newcomers with vast land, and Shaaheddin married one of his daughters. Shaahedin chose a region similar to the city of Jerusalem, where he lived and established a family cemetery nearby, where he buried the family treasure. Shaheddin predicted that a member of his fifth-generation family would reveal the mystery of the cemetery's secret. Barker's account continues to describe a number of contemporary circumstances surrounding the claim of a member of the fifth-generation Shaheddin family of the Prophethood. Look:
  10. Michael Parker, "Guardians of the Ark: A Sudanese Pilgrimage of Faith", Presented at The Church in Sudan: Its Impact Past, Present and future, a Seminar held in Nairobi, February 16- 22, 1997, pp. 1- 20.
  11. [1] Salah Omer al-Sadiq, The Ark of the Covenant and the Altar of Israel in the Torah, Israel and Sudan "in Salah Ammar Sadiq, Sudan Studies in Archeology, Folklore and History, Dar Azza for Printing, Publishing and Distribution, Khartoum, First Edition, 2006, pp. 306- 309. This is another version of Parker's novel She adds that the group is one of the lost tribes of Israel, and that they entered through the valley of Hor, in north-west Sudan.
  12. [1] Abdel Gadir Mohamed Abdel Gader: The Pad: History of Tagali Islamic Kingdom, Dar Solo Publishing and Printing, Khartoum, 1st Ed. 2003, p. 205. The story focuses on the Ark of the Covenant, and determines the place of residence of this group in Tagali Kingdom
  13. [1] Salah Mohamed Ahmed, The Jewish Community in Sudan: Origins, Life, Migration, Al-Rased Center for Studies, 1st Ed. Khartoum, 2004, p. It is a short account containing one of the motifs of Parker's narrative, that the son of Solomon and Belqis came and settled in Sudan in an area later known as Soba
  14. [1] Mohamed Adam Fasher, "On the History of the Zaghawa Tribe", in: Haidar Ibrahim Ali (Liberation), Cultural Diversity and the Building of the National State in Sudan, Second Edition, Sudan Studies Center, Cairo, 2001, pp. 214-229. The Zaghawa originates in Palestine, and it is the Zaghawa who introduced the iron industry into Africa.
  15. [1] Meki Abu Garja, The Jews in Sudan: A Reading in the Book of Lahaho Solomon, King of the Children of Jacob in the Spot of the Mahdi, Abdul Karim Mirghani Center, Second Edition, Khartoum, 2007. In addition to emphasizing the fruit of the forbidden relationship between Solomon and Belkis, which is described by this novel (Menelik), it indicates that Yehud Fella, who was mentioned in a number of sources, migrated south to Sudan.
  16. [1] In this sense, the whole of this narration is a narrative portrayal of the judgment of the wise gentleman, who is alerted to by a number of Sudanese historians. The first to be mentioned is Professor Holt and then adopted by Professor Yusuf Fadl Hassan and based on his studies on the establishment of the Islamic kingdoms in the Eastern Sudan.
  17. [1] Ahmed Ahmed Sid Ahmed: The History of Khartoum City under the Egyptian Rule 1820 – 1885, Egyptian Public Establishment of the Book, Cairo, 2000, pp 62
  18. [1] Some of the sources dealing with social life in the Turkish-Egyptian era reflect this provocative life in Sudanese cities, from prostitution, trafficking in girls, adultery and slavery, and the spread of homosexuality. The sexual pleasure processions of prostitutes and homosexuals roaming the streets of the city exposed their human goods in blatant obscurity. For more, see: Richard Hull (translated from Italian to English) and Abdel-Aziz Mohamed Ahmed (translated from English to Arabic), on the borders of the Islamic world: an era of the history of Sudan 1822-1841, See also Ahmed Ahmed Said Ahmed, op. cit., pp. 288-296.
  19. [1] Samuel Attenger: Jews in Islamic Countries 1850 -i950, Translated by Jamal Ahmed Al-Rifai, The National Council of Culture and Arts, Kuwait, 1985, pp 175-180
  20. [1] It seems that most of these wives were Israelis, and Danud Benayamin married a Danish woman named Adut. She changed her name to Sarah. Ben Zion Zochat married Faoroui. She became her name. He also understood the reasons cited by Mandel for not returning to Judaism during the reign of the Ba'ath government. He married a predominantly black Sudanese. This may justify the Sudanese indifference to the return of these wives and their children later. And that among the families descended from this family, this was an indication of religious tolerance
  21. [1] E. S. Malka, Jacob`s Children in the Land of the Mahdi: Jews of the Sudan, Syracuse University Press, 6th edition, New York, 2002., p 16
  22. [1] Ibid pp 16-17
  23. This information was confirmed to me by the grandchildren of Israel and they said that they heard from their father about their grandfather that he used to stand on the right of the Caliph in prayer while Ben Zayoun Kushti used to stand on his side, especially the morning prayer, so that they confirm their loyalty to him. Some of the Ansar were puzzled about the good treatment that Jews receive from the Caliph, unlike other foreigners. An interview with Mr. Mustafa Ishaq Daoud, sailor of Jews, Al Busta neighborhood
  24. [1] Siham Nassar: The Egyptian Jews between Egyptianism and Zionism, Dar Al-Wohda,1st ed., Beirut, 1980, pp 33
  25. [1] Same copied from:
  26. Ministry of Finance and Economy, Statically Census Department, Population Census of Egypt 1947, Government Press, Cairo, 1954.
  27. [1] Naom Shugair: The History and Geography of Old and Modern Sudan, Part I, 1st ed, Egypt 1903, pp 160
  28. [1] An online interview using Messenger technology, with Dr. Herbert Weiss, a member of a Jewish family that fled the Nazi Holocaust to Sudan.
  29. [1] Meki Abu Garja, prev. ref, pp 20-27
  30. [1] See Yusuf Mekhayel, Memoirs of Yousef Mikhael: Turkish, Mahdi and Condominium Rule, Verification and Presentation by Ahmed Ibrahim Abu Shouk, Abdul Karim Merghani Cultural Center, 2004. p. "We are in good fortune, and we hear only our brothers, merchants who come from the sea, who say 'Turk' [ie, the forces of the Condominium government] are moving to fight the caliphate, and this is a secret in the houses. We say: The injustice that is taking place and the shedding of blood in vain, but none of us can tell this news by land except in the houses, when we were alone. " Babakir Badri's memoirs reflected the state of humiliation of the Mahdi Army as a result of the poverty, injustice and oppression of the relatives of the caliph. Babeker Badri recalls the situation of the Mahdi forces before and during the Battle of Karari and how the soldiers fled claiming injury from the battle. The wounded soldier used to accompany four soldiers and five of them escape together. The forces of the Caliph would leaked out and then the prisoners of the soldiers opened fire as they watched the forces of Kichener stagger in the streets of Omdurman. See Babeker Badri, op. Cit., Part one, pp. 178-185.
  31. [1] We understand this from his authority to issue an order to a rabbi to go to Sudan to oversee the rituals of the sect. Refer to: Malka,op cit, p27
  32. [1] Samuel Attenger: prev. ref, pp 369
  33. [1] Interview with Ibrahim Munaem Mansour, prev. Minister of Finance
  34. [1] Meki Abu Garja, prev. ref, pp 67
  35. [1] Samuel Attenger, prev. ref, pp 408
  36. [1] Malka, op cit, p 112
  37. [1] Ibid, p 112.
  38. [1] Ibid, p 113.
  39. [1] Abu Garja: prev. ref pp 46
  40. [1] ‘A Word and A Half’ – Kalma wa Nus’ Column In Al-Rai Al-Aam Newspaper, dd Monday 16 Dec. 1946
  41. [1] Malka, op cit, pp 104- 105
  42. [1] Malka, op cit, pp 104- 105
  43. [1] Ibid, pp 27
  44. [1] Ibid, pp 31
  45. [1] Many of the "Masalmeh," some of whom were Jews, converted to Christianity, while others were Christian. Halakha is a Hebrew word that refers in Arabic to the term "law" or "legislation". Its origin comes from the Aramaic "Halakhah", literally meaning "the right path." The word was first mentioned in the writings of the Mishnah teachers, which in the beginning meant "the oral judgment issued by jurists" Refers to the one paragraph contained in one year in jurisprudence. The word then refers to the legislative aspect of Judaism as a whole and within that oral law. That is to say, it has become customary, local and legal, such as the word "law" which can refer to "criminal law" or "penal law" and refers to "law" in general. Halakah is almost synonymous with the word "Torah" which means Sharia. In general, the word Halakah refers to the specific legal formulation of the details of the Sharia.
  46. [1] Malka, op cit, pp 31
  47. [1] Abu Garja, prev. ref, pp 21
  48. [1] Malka, op cit, pp 22
  49. [1] Ibid, pp 22
  50. [1] The Group of Admin Secretary, The National Archives, Khartoum Jewish Community of the Sudan, 10, 1, 6
  51. [1] Malka, op cit, pp 65
  52. [1] Ibid, pp 65
  53. [1] Ibid, pp 65
  54. [1] The ghetto is the exclusive neighborhood of a religious or national minority, but the designation is mainly related to the Jews of Europe, the common meaning of which is the place where Jews are forced to live, and the ghetto is surrounded by a high wall with one or more gates that usually close at night. On the ghetto, its characteristics and structure, see Abdul Wahab Al-Masri, Encyclopedia, part one, op. Cit., P. 434. The fact is that the Jews, although they gathered to live next to each other, are usually satisfied with them and perhaps unconsciously, and this did not lead to the isolation of the Jews, but rather to their participation in the places where some of the inhabitants of the country live.
  55. [1] Salah Mohamed Ahmed: prev. ref, pp 26
  56. [1] Khidhir Hamad, Khidhir Hamad Memoirs: The Suanese National Movement and Afterwards, 1st ed. 1980, pp 44
  57. [1] Although the newspaper was a literary newspaper, the pioneers of the national movement tended to express their aspirations for independence. Perhaps this confirms the fact that the newspaper was published to the leaders of the national movement under pseudonyms. See: Khader Hamad, op. Cit., pp 45
  58. [1][1] Abu Garja, prev. ref pp 31; Also, refer to Al-Derderi Mohamed Osman, My Memoirs 1941 – 1958, Al-Tamadun Press, Kharoum, 1st Ed. 1916, pp 41- 77; Also, refe to:
  59. Richard Hill, Bibliography of the Anglo – Egyptian Sudan, from Earliest Times to 1937, 2edition, Frank Cass &Co., LTD., London, 1967. p78
  60. [1] Alumni Club is not the graduates 'conference, although the graduates' conference, according to Mr. Ibrahim Moneim Mansour, is an extension of Alumni club. Interview with Mr. Ibrahim Moneim Mansour.
  61. [1] "Since the first day, this club has taken a reformist approach to form a nucleus for a loyal, responsible generation," said Mr. Dardari Mohamed Osman of the club. "I have the right to say that although the work of the committee has not been so well paid It has been part of the remaining general behavior patterns so far, it has been thrown in a stone in the static pool and it has produced the wave after the wave and has expanded to include larger and larger circles. "See Muhammad al-Derderi, op. Cit., P. 14; This club and its role in enriching and pushing the national movement in Sudan Hamad Mohamed Yess, Mohammed Omar Bashir Center, Omdurman, Dar Azza for Printing and Publishing, First Edition, 2001, pp. 38-60.
  62. [1] Ahmed Mohamed Yasin, op. Cit., P. 17. The memoirs author notes: "The national feelings stop at no limit, neither religion nor sex can hinder those feelings, which united the bonds of brotherhood, participation and related life ... This young man was an artist by nature, His love for art strengthened his friendship with his friends, the poets late Khalil Farah. AhmedAbdel Rahim Al-Omarabi and Mustafa Batran. When the revolution broke out in 1919, these young men were the believers in the Nile Valley case. The demonstration procession advanced in the valley of Nile and its slogan was, long live Egypt, and Al-Bazar shouted with them from the Gordon Memorial College.
  63. [1] Interview with Mustafa Ishaq Daoud. Witness that Ibrahim Israel, the elder brother of Yitzhak, who contributed to this donation was a member of the club committee as we mentioned.
  64. [1] Osman Hassan Ahmed: Between originality and Modernization. Ibrahim Ahmd: Life of a Ma, Agrograph for Printing, Khartoum, 1994, pp 84-89
  65. [1] Despite this categorical prohibition, some of the prophets of Israel and their chiefs were married to non-Jews. See: Abdul Wahab Al-Misiri. Encyclopedia, part one, op. Cit., P. 65
  66. [1] Interview with Mr. Mustafa Ishag Daud
  67. [1] For further information on this subject refer to Shawgi Badri, Hakawi Omdurman – Stories of Omdurman’, Dar Al-Katib Al-Soudani, Cairo1st ed. 1999, pp 171-178
  68. [1] After 1948, that’s after the establishment of the Jewish state, some calls were made for boycotting the Jews, which we shall discuss later
  69. [1] Shawgi Badri: prev. ref, pp 171-178
  70. [1] Alhscalah is a Hebrew expression that can be interpreted as Enlightenment Movement
  71. [1] Abdel Wahab Al-Misteeri: The End of History: An Introduction to a Study of the Structure of the Zionist Thought, Political and Strategic Studies Studies Center, 1973, pp 32
  72. [1] Mahmoud Mohamed Taha: Middle East Crisis: Political Analysis, Historical Investigation, A Scientific Solution, Omdurman, 1967, pp 19. , P. 91. To confirm his point of view, he cited some of the verses in the Old Testament, Psalm 137: "On the rivers of Babylon we sat and wept also when Zion remembered us: how shall we sing the psalm of the LORD in a strange land? If I do not remember you, if I do not prefer Jerusalem, my best joy.
  73. [1] Same, pp 17
  74. [1] William Fahmy, Migration to Palestine, Egyptian General Establishment for Books, 1974, pp 9
  75. [1] Same, pp 17
  76. [1] Israel Shahak: The History and Religion of the Jews, prev. ref pp 35
  77. [1] In this regard refer to Abdul Wahab Al-Maseeri, The Encyclopedia, prev. ref
  78. [1] Israel Shahak: “The Idea of Exportation in Zionism”, pp 90 in in: Transfer in Zionism Thought, PLO, 1st ed. 1989, Dar Al-Arab, Tunisia, pp 9-60
  79. [1] Khairya Gasmia: The Zionist Activity in the Arab East and its Echoes, 1908-1918, PLO, Beirut Studies Center, 1973, pp 7-11
  80. [1] Walid Al-Jaafari: The Israeli Settlements in Occupied Lands 1967 – 1980, Beirut Studies Center, 1st ed. 1981
  81. [1] In 1896, with the publication of the book of Herzl: The Jewish State, a delegation to Egypt Joseph Marco Baruch for the establishment of a Zionist entity in Cairo, and resulted in the establishment of the first Zionist association in Cairo in 1897, Zionist organizations have been emerging ever since and the activity of the Zionist movement has expanded. For more on the Zionist movement in Egypt, see Siham Nassar, op. Cit., pp. 21-24.
  82. [1] Ibid pp 44
  83. [1] Ibid. pp 44
  84. [1] Meki Abu Garja, prev. ref, pp 72-82
  85. [1] Jacob changed his name to Israel, meaning the Lord's wrestler, after he experienced an attempt to fight the Lord as a peer which ended with the dislocation of his thigh. Perhaps this incident is one of the effects of the Greek mythology on Judaism. On this subject, see Abdul Wahab Al-Messiri, Encyclopedia, op. Cit., P. 333.
  86. [1] In the interpretation of the names we depend on: Sana Abdel Latif, The Jewish Identity and the Names of the Hebrew notables: a study in the origins and semantics and the Zionist ideological dimension, Madbouli Bookstore, 1st edition, Cairo, 2008 ...
  87. [1] Malka, op cit, pp 70
  88. [1] Abdel Wahab Al-MiseeriThe Encyclopedia, prev. ref, pp 275 - 276
  89. [1] Ibid, pp 71
  90. [1] Ibid, pp 74
  91. [1] Meki Abu Garja, prev. ref, pp 50-52
  92. [1] Malka, op cit, pp 39- 40.
  93. [1]  Siham Nassar, prev. ref pp 36. The author states that the Zionist orientation of the newspaper was clear from the outset, as it recruited itself to serve the main goal of Zionism is to demand the right to return to Palestine and the establishment of a national homeland, and the newspaper succeeded in creating a semi-national link between Jews And disseminated the spirit of Jewish nationalism and its power among Jews in the East. The newspaper closed its offices in 1948 after the complaint filed against it by the League of Arab States on charges of supporting Zionism and the export of Arab funds in favor of the Zionist movement in Palestine
  94. [1] Refer to Meki Abu Garja, prev. ref, pp 34
  95. [1] Malka, op cit, pp 85
  96. [1] Abdel Wahab Al-Miseeri: The Encyclopedia, prev. ref, pp 335
  97. [1] Same 369
  98. [1] Malka, op cit, pp 86-99
  99. [1] Ibid, pp 39-40
  100. [1] A report written by the Public Security Director on 16 Dec. 1938. Refer to:
  101. National Archives, Public Security Office, Kh, 6, 3, 17
  102. [1] Samuel Attinger, prev. ref, pp 439
  103. [1] Al-Rai Al-Aam Newspaper, 16 Dec 1946. The article was signed by the famous Sudanese businessman Mohamed Ahmed El-Salamabi
  104. [1] same
  105. [1] same
  106. [1] same
  107. [1] The issue of a Sudanese girl who converted to Christianity by the Anglican Missionary in Omdurman was the subject of a sweeping popular anger and demonstrations of intellectual and the public at large. See Mohamed Khair al-Badawi, op. Cit., Pp. 91-92.
  108. [1] Omar Mohamed Siddiq, Sudan and the Palestinian Question, research presented for Higher Diploma at the African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, 1980, pp 28
  109. [1] Same, pp 28-29
  110. [1] Same, pp 33. I reviewed what the Palestinian Encyclopedia reported about the Arab armies that participated in 1948 war. I did not find any mention of these Sudanese brigades. Either they were distributed to the military units in the various Arab armies, especially the Egyptian army, or they did not reach Palestine or were ignored there. For more on the participation of the Arab armies in the 1948 war, see the entry "1948 War" in the Palestinian Encyclopedia, vol. II (C-S), pp. 150-162.
  111. [1] Anyone familiar with English politics in Sudan can read the government's fear of religious revolutions, especially since it tasted the bitter taste of the Mahdist revolution. In this sense, we can understand the panic attack that hit the government when Wad Haboba movement in Halawein, and the repression it faced. Only an expression of this panic. For more on this subject, see: Mohammad Saeed Al-Gaddal, Modern History of Sudan, 1821-1955, Abdul Karim Mirghani Cultural Center, Second Edition, 2002, pp. 409 et seq. See also Yusuf Fadl Hassan's presentation in: Osman Awad Al-Karim Muhammadin, Abdul Qadir Wad-Habboul and Factors Affecting his Personality, Sudan Printing Press, 1st ed, 2008, pp.k-s
  112. [1] Omer Mohamed Ahmed Siddig: prev. ref, pp 17, Al-Rai Al-Aam Newspaper of 14 May 1946
  113. [1] Al-Fajr Magazine: 16 June 1947, 2nd ed. pp 269
  114. [1] Same, 26-27
  115. [1] Same, pp 27
  116. [1] In this regard, Rifaat Al-Said said that the Egyptian National Liberation Movement (HDPO) and its Sudanese counterpart (Hasto) took a similar stance on the Palestinian issue, namely mobilizing public opinion to fight the English armies in Egypt and Sudan. See: Refaat Al-Said, The Egyptian Left and the Palestinian Question: A Document Document, Dar Al-Farabi, Beirut, 1974, pp. 45- 46
  117. [1] Nasser's government made the establishment of a national army in Egypt one of its objectives. It started the reorganization of the army and provide it with the modern weapons and training in the most successful methods and methods of modern warfare. It concluded deals to purchase arms with the Soviet Union and some socialist countries. This was followed by the nationalization of the Suez Canal on July 26, 1956. Israel found that in the development of the Egyptian army, the balance of power in the region was undermined, and Egypt was the base from which the operations of the Palestinian guerrillas began. France was waiting for an opportunity to inflict damage on Egypt in response to the latter's support for the Algerian revolution. France was also affected by the decision to nationalize the Suez Canal Company. The same damage was inflicted on Britain as well as the desire of the British government to regain its former position in Egypt before the July 1952 Revolution. Thus, these three countries had sufficient justification for the aggression against Egypt. For more on the tripartite aggression on Egypt, see the entry "1956 War" in: The Palestinian Encyclopedia, former source, pp. 163-170
  118. [1] Both Egyptian public opinion and the Egyptian government did not accept the issue of Sudan's independence from Egypt. Its sovereignty over Sudan was one of the most sensitive issues in Egyptian politics. Egypt refused to grant Sudan independence.
  119. [1]See, in this regard: Sir Harold McMichael, Sudan, translated by Mahmoud Saleh Othman, Abdul Karim Merghani Cultural Center, 1st ed. 2006, Chapter XVII "The Role of Egypt", pp. 291-300. The Sudanese reaction was violent, We can read it in the speech of Mr. Saleh Abdelkader strongly, and concluded by saying: "I hope you understand [letter directed by Salah Salem] that we are not from you and you are not us and we will not be Egyptian and you will not be Sudanese and we believe that we will move or Abit and you this reckless policy based on infinite greed will not lose this meager bond you are talking about and aspire to it, but will lose the only good air T also but we will not lose anything. " Can be found on the whole floor in the door "at heart," Voice of the Nation newspaper on Monday, August 15th, 1955.
  120. [1] Omer Mohamed Siddig: prev. ref. pp 34-46
  121. [1] Khidhir Hamad: prev. ref, pp 330
  122. [1] I did not find any reference to this meeting in Sayed Imam Abdel Rahman Al- Mahdi Memoirs
  123. [1] Eli S. Malka, Ibid, pp 115-120
  124. [1] Eliyahu Solomon noted that a policeman was standing permanently in the corner of his house on Sayed. Abdel Rahman Street, and when he inquired why he was reported to have been there for his personal protection. See: Makki Abu Garja, op. Cit., P. 81.
  125. [1] Same pp 18
  126. [1] Refer to Chapter I of Sherif Yousif El-Hindi: For My Home country and History: Memoirs of the Martyr Sherif Hussein El-Hindi, Abdel Karim Mirghani Center, 1st ed. 2006, pp 17-134
  127. [1]The family of Mustafa Isaac Israel and the family of Jacob Daoud al-Aini showed me examples of these harassment, which reached the point of separation from work, the pursuit of family members, the frequent arrest of them and their accusations of labor and treachery, in addition to the foolish harassment of the children of this family in schools and the public street.
  128. [1] The confiscation decisions included the Jewish, and foreign companies in general, which the Jews had managed or operated. The confiscation orders also included Jewish homes in Khartoum. For more on the impact of confiscation decisions on the Jewish community, see Eli S. Malka, Ibid; see also Meki Abu Garja, The Jews in Sudan, op. Cit., Also see Adel Said Ahmed, "The Jews of Sudan from Time to Time" , Al Watan Newspaper, as of June 29, 2008.


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