Foreign Relations of Mahdia (1881-1898 AD)

Sun, 24 Sep 2017


Dr. Hatim Alsiddig Mohammed Ahmed



Since the outbreak of the Mahdist Revolution in 1881 AD we found that it had sought to extend its control over the territories of Sudan, having achieved that, the Imam Mahdi sent letters to the Queen of England, the Khedive of Egypt, the Ottoman sultan, the country of Chinguetti (Mauritania), West Africa, the Hijaz and Abyssinia, those massages aimed to win many followers for Mahdia and because Mahdia is a global call according to the Imam Mahdi that why he addressed all these groups. After the death of Imam Mahdi in 1885 AD Caliph Abdullah followed same approach in letters where he followed up with groups that Mahdi called before his death, but response was limited from West Africa, the Hijaz regions and Rabeh Fadlallah, then he got involved in armed conflict with both Ethiopia and Egypt which is testimony to the failure of Caliph Abdallah’s foreign policy targeting to disseminate Mahdia outside Sudan, due to internal and external ongoing wars features of weakness hit the state of Mahdi which ended in 1899 AD. The importance of this research is to shed light on the foreign policy of Mahdia and the impact of these relations on Mahdia the state and the revolution. The study aimed to track the phases of the foreign relations of Mahdia with an explanation of letters sent by Imam Mahdi and Caliph and amount of interaction with these letters in local and regional surroundings. The study relied on historical descriptive analytical approach in order to reach results.


Mahdia-Egypt Relations

Mahdist State-Egypt Relations

The Letters of Caliph to Egypt, Ottoman State and Britain

Mahdia-Abyssinia Relations

Mahdia Foreign Relations with West of Africa

Mahdia-Sheikh Hyato bin Said Relations

Mahdia-Rabeh Fadlallah Relations

Morocco-Mahdia Relations

Relations of Mahdia with Senussi Movement in Libya

Mahdia-Hijaz Relations

Jamal Al Din Al Afgani and Mahdia in Sudan





The foreign relations of each country represent its main entrance to outside world, besides many internal and external factors that define foreign relations, Mahdia the state and the revolution pursed in its foreign relations with local and international surroundings a prerequisite to define this relations which is to believe in Mahdia and to work under its banner with full subordination to the authority of the Imam Mahdi and Caliph Abdullah after him. Therefore, we find that after victory at the battle of Shaykan and elimination of Hicks campaign the Imam Mahdi started sending letters to the Queen Victoria, Sultan Abdul Hamid, the Khedive of Egypt, the sons of Chinguetti, Morocco, the Hijaz, countries of West Africa and the Hijaz all of which aimed to mobilize the largest number of followers of Mahdia. After the death of the Mahdi in 1885 AD Caliph Abdullah turned to continue the journey so marched on the Mahdi’s approach to send invitations to all lovers and followers in order to engage in Mahdia’s path, some joined and many refused so we find that Mahdia’s foreign relations and openness to most of the people and regions that have a relations with Sudan contributed later on to the elimination of Mahdia, as they sought to openness, challenge and stick and carrot approach while not having necessary tools so they end after failure in foreign relations’ file management optimally.

Mahdia-Egypt Relations:

Based on concept of the Imam Mahdi of Mahdist Revolution, it turned out he doesn’t believe in local concept of Mahdia in Sudan only but stated more often that Mahdia is a universal message and its mission is to control the world via controlling all nations and to subject them to authority of Mahdia and he stated in one of his publications (…must bring us to all countries of the earth and who refuses God must abandon him…) ([1])

What demonstrates the determination of Mahdi delivering Mahdia to its local and international surroundings is letters he sent to the king of Persia, the emperor of Abyssinia, the Governor of Egypt, as well as to the people of Nigeria and Mali, the country of Chinguetti Mauritania currently, to Senoussi in Libya, Sultan Abdul Hamid in Turkey, the Queen Victoria of Britain ([2]).

Based on this speech we found that Mahdi endeavored to deliver Mahdia to local and international surroundings then to establish relations with these countries if they accepted Mahdia and believed in it.

The Imam Mahdi was interested in Egypt and the source of this interest is the strategic location of Egypt and at the same time it was the former colonizer of Sudan, therefore, Egypt has been a goal to be achieved for the Imam Mahdi ([3]).

The Imam Mahdi began preparing for foreign conquests after he succeeded in controlling Sudan and the elimination of Egyptian-Turkish rule so we find that he cared about the letters which he sent to components of the Egyptian society, through which he endeavored to allure Egyptians to Mahdia ([4]).

Therefore, after the liberation of Khartoum on January 26, 1885 AD the Imam Mahdi sent three letters to Egypt the first to the Khedive Tawfiq, the second to scholars of Egypt and the third was a public circular to the people of Egypt and its rulers, traders and others, noted that the messages sent by the Mahdi to the people of Egypt were different from the rest of the messages sent to other countries where the Mahdi has set in these messages that English are number one enemy of the Muslims in his letter to the Khedive Tawfiq we find that he blames the Khedive to hand Muslims over to the British command and in the same publication, we find that the Imam Mahdi had decided to invade Egypt in order to spread the call of Mahdia (... and here I am coming to your destination with armies of God soon...) ([5]).

The Mahdi decided to take the Abdeen’s Palace as his stature in Egypt after it was opened and then continued to march towards the Levant and from there to Mecca, the Mahdi said that the opening of Egypt will fall on the red banner of the Caliph Mohammed Sharif Hamid and he provoked Egyptians to stand with his troops when it presents to open Egypt as a result of the continuing victories many Egyptians thought that he was the awaiting Mahdi ([6]).

Dr. Mohammed Saeed Algaddal believes that the letters sent by the Imam Mahdi to outside Sudan aimed to mobilize local ingredients to revolt then armies of the Mahdi come to complete the rest also he thinks that the Mahdi letters carried the nature of threat rather than pure intention of invading and it’s a preventive threat to frighten Egypt in case thinking to invade Sudan and the same time he is sure that Britain and the Khedive will never remain silent over the loss of Sudan ([7]).

In his warning to the scholars of Egypt the Mahdi explained his intention to invade Egypt, where he said, “…soon we are coming to your destination with party of Allah, if you surrender and go back to Allah, all we’ll be good and if you refuse and insist on supporting disbelievers then there is no power except Allah…”([8]).

Mahdist State-Egypt Relations:

The Mahdi died in 8th of Ramadan 1302 H/22nd of June 1885 AD after five days of editing letters which he sent to the Khedive, people and scholars of Egypt. Caliph Abdullah marched on the Imam Mahdi's approach in foreign relations with Egypt while preparing to grab it ([9]).

Caliph Abdullah wrote to frontier tribes with Egypt, asking them to declare revolution in their areas and create chaos, one of the groups Caliph Abdullah sent to is Jaafirah tribes based in (Isna) one month after Mahdi’s death and he also appointed Mahmoud Abdullah Abu Abdul Rasul as a prince under the labor of Hussein Mohammed Khalifa Al-Abadi also he wrote to Konoz tribe asking them to engage in Mahdia path and to declare revolution “…as soon as you receive this you have to gather and stand up against the enemy of God and to cut down their roads and besiege them and waiting for them everywhere as Almighty God said and to cut down roads and never let enemies of God come your ways until the party of Allah reach you to open regions and to fight disbelievers and according to our will and what you agreed upon we have appointed the beloved Nuari a ruler from our side…” ([10])

In addition to tribes of Jaafira and Konoz, Caliph Abdullah sent to Qararish tribe urging them to rise up and stand with the campaign that will move toward Egypt, also he appointed a person named Abdul Salam a prince on them, in his letters to the people of rural areas (Egypt) he said that he intends to open Egypt and that his reign is extension to the Mahdi’s reign ([11]).

Despite internal problems that faced Caliph Abdullah after he seized power in Mahdist state, but he thought of invading Egypt to implement the desire of the Imam Mahdi and to make true his personal ambition, therefore, we find that he worked on sending Prince Abdul Rahman Alnujomi’s Army to Egypt. Based on this we find that Caliph Abdullah resorted to armed force in his relations with Egypt which followed by a lot of internal and external events.

Caliph Abdulla steps to invade Egypt began through his obvious insistence to chase the remains of the campaign to rescue Gordon also he paved the way to invade Egypt by calling upon center tribes and urge them to support Alnujomi campaign. Despite limited care for this campaign, Caliph Abdullah was obviously insisted to send it to open Egypt which put Prince Abdulrahman Alnujomi between pliers of the ambition of Caliph and problems of Younis Aldkim and Musaid Guiddoum, so Alnujomi campaign was defeated before moving from Omdurman as a result of so many problems and lack of attention to the campaign.

The defeat of Alnoujomi in Toshki represented a backbreaking for Mahdia, where this battle revealed the weakness of Mahdia and that it isn’t up-to-date military-wise to the development of the armament in the world. At the same time the battle of Toshki contributed in breaking the myth of the undefeated Mahdia and awarded English-Egyptian forces more motivation to eliminate Mahdist state ([12]).

The Letters of Caliph to Egypt, Ottoman State and Britain:

Caliph Abdullah continued sending his letters abroad. In 1887 AD/1304 Jumada Alakirah Caliph Abdullah sent four messengers with three letters to the Sultan Abdul Hamid, the Queen Victoria and the Khedive Tawfiq with clear call to embrace Mahdia before he sends his armies to exterminate them. The messengers of the Caliph reached Egypt through Wadi Halfa in 12th of April 1887 AD to deliver his letter to the Khedive of Egypt as well as the Queen Victoria in Britain, response to these letters wasn’t written but it was oral by Naum Shaqayr stating, “…those kings your master dared to address are highly prestigious to give up and reply him…” on the other hand Caliph Abdullah had boasted of these letters and printed so many copies and distributed them to his workers and princes ([13]). 

In his letter to the Khedive Tawfiq he asked him to embrace Mahdia and to not driven by Britain and to its agents and to surrender to Caliph Abdullah and to work under his command “…we felt pity for you that why we issued this letter before Mahdia’s armies reach your marine areas and Egyptian country to invite you to God and submit to be one of the most cherished cleric to help Islam and to fight its enemies disbelievers…” ([14]).

In his letter to the Queen Victoria, Caliph Abdullah asked her to convert into Islam and to embrace Mahdia “…I invite you to convert to Islam, if you do that and believed that no God but Allah and Muhammed is the messenger of Allah and pursued the Mahdi peace be upon him and surrendered to me then I’ll welcome you and to survive form the hell and be safe and we share it all …” ([15]).

In his letter to Sultan Abdul Hamid, Caliph Abdullah told him about the Imam Mahdi and the revolution that he broke out in Sudan then he wondered about why he refrained from following Mahdia and how to feel pleased to collaborate with Britain against Muslims also asked Sultan Abdul Hamid to obey him “…answer our messenger who is the messenger of Allah and his messenger and Mahdia by handing over to us and do the duty of obedience and either fight against disbelievers then drive them out of the land of Islam like Egypt and others or join us to help religion and to cut the remnant of disbelievers…” ([16]).

Tracking the letters of Caliph Abdullah we find that the Caliph has adopted a clear approach in his call for Mahdia and never feared the great powers at that time and finds that he fulfilled his message toward introducing Mahdia and calling for it even if he didn’t succeed.

Mahdia-Abyssinia Relations:

Since its inception in 1881 AD, the Mahdia sought to spread outside Sudan, the Imam Mahdi divided the Islamic world into two groups, the first believe in Mahdia and the second disbelieve in it so the Imam Mahdi said, “whoever doesn’t believe in Mahdia is a disbeliever, therefore, Abyssinia wasn’t far from the standard of faith and disbelief of Mahdia” ([17]).

Abyssinia became a house of war because the Imam Mahdi wants to deliver Mahdia to all the universe, so one of the things that affected directly in the relations of the Mahdi with Abyssinia is when they helped garrisons sited on borders specifically the garrison of Gallabat, this way Abyssinia entered war against Mahdia, therefore, Mahdi feared Abyssinians for two reasons, first Abyssinians will work to block the ambition of Mahdi seeking to move toward the North and the second reason is that Abyssinians could become a source of danger from the Eastern front ([18]).

The Mahdi wrote to his workers in Gadarif and Gallabat to monitor borders with Abyssinia and work to secure it “…as for Abyssinia, soon the God will destroy them, where Ansar were appointed to watch them from here so be waiting for them in all gaps which they target…” ([19]).

Faith of the Mahdia was the only bond to link between the Mahdia and Abyssinia which represented the intellectual foundation of the foreign policy of Mahdia which became clear when the King of Abyssinia John asked for clarification about Mahdia so the Mahdi sent him a letter in the 15th of June 1885 AD, corresponding to 2nd of Ramadan 1302 HJ after addressing him with the Great of Abyssinia that he, the Mahdi is the messenger of Almighty God to call for Mahdia then reminded him of kings who were killed and the countries that have collapsed because they had lost the light of faith then explained him his victories against the English at the same time he threatened him that his fate will be no better than them if he didn’t believe in Mahdia ([20]).

John replied with another letter reached Gallabat and received by Mohammed Wad Arbab in September 1885 AD, corresponding to the 14th of Dhu al-Hijjah 1302 HJ in his letter John refused to convert into Islam and he rejected the way he has been invited and he invited the Mahdi and Mohammed Wad Arbab to convert into Christianity because he believes it’s the righteous religion and the truth so based on this letter religion represents the first barrier between Mahdia and Abyssinia ([21]).

After that the King of Abyssinia John sent his forces to attack Gallabat after Wad Arbab forces attacked a church located one day away from Gallabat ruined and killed Wad Arbab on the hand of head Addal the governor of the region of Amhara ([22]) in 1887 AD/1304 HJ.

After that Abyssinia worked on sheltering some opponent tribes to Mahdia then it developed to harassment of the eastern borders of state of Mahdia which led to tension between two parties ([23]).

Mahdia-Abyssinia Relations Progress:

Relations between Mahdia and Abyssinia progressed rapidly and signs of war arose between two parties. According to internal estimates Caliph Abdullah didn’t want to face Abyssinian because of the internal situation and tribal conflicts and he appointed Prince Younis Aldikaim prince of Gallabat to protect eastern front and promised not to engage in direct war with Abyssinian. After improvement of internal situation Prince Hamdan Abuanjah was appointment on Gallabat and he defeated Abyssinian and entered capital Gondor then retreated to Gallabat achieving crucial victory ([24]).

Hamdan Abuanjah achieved many victories over the Abyssinian and worked to entrench Gallabat against possible attacks by Abyssinians because the King John thought of attacking the city and was planning for that in response to his defeat. The King John called upon all Abyssinian in order to achieve quick and crucial victory against Ansar, John was able to gather 250 thousands fighters with Abyssinian leaders and leaders of regions like head Addal, head Alwalah, Haile Mariam Salih Shunga the leader of Takarir and he marched toward Gallabat ([25]).

After the news of this campaign reached Hamdan Abuanja he worked on fortifying the city by huge corral and inner fence to protect families, ammunition and yields then made four doors with a canon for each, before finish building the corral fever hit him and he died in the 29th of January 1889 his death was a shock to whole territorial army in Gallabat and to Caliph Abdullah in Omdurman because he is one of the best leaders of Mahdia ([26]).

Mahdia fought against Abyssinian in the battle of Gallabat which is one of the battles that Mahdia won instead of not being fully prepared by this victory achieved on the hand of Prince Alzaki Tambal Mahdia soared on domestic level and  Abyssinian sought to please Caliph. Thus, the relations between two parties transformed from armed conflicts to the stage of looking for common interests.

The battle of Gallabat followed by a state of anticipation between two sides and at the same time Mahdia continued military preparations along the border and sending spies into Abyssinia in order to gather information ([27]).

By the year 1890 AD/1308 HJ Caliph Abdullah sent a letter to the King Menlik after becoming the king of Abyssinia reminding him of earlier invitation to convert into Islam and justifying this invitation that he cares about him and his compassion so as not to corner with disbelievers ([28]).

The King Menlik didn’t answer the letter of Caliph Abdullah and due to no response Caliph Abdullah warned Menlik of the consequences of attacking the borders of Mahdist state and reminded him of the fate of John in order to learn a lesson from the fate of his predecessors so this threat indicated that Caliph made sure that Menlik wouldn’t convert or follow the path of Mahdia ([29]).

Caliph Abdullah followed the state of being kind with Abyssinian after the failure of Alnujomi campaign and its defeat in Toshki in addition to the rise of the Italian threat on the eastern borders of the state of Mahdia. On 10th of November 1891 AD/8th of Rabie Alakir 1309 HJ a remarkable development happened in relations between Mahdia and Abyssinia when the head Dajaj Bitiwah one of the leaders of Abyssinia sent a letter to Prince Ahmed Ali declaring his surrender to Mahdia and revealing his keen desire to open the trade route between Gallabat and Abyssinian cities ([30]).

The letter of Dajaj wasn’t accepted by Commander Ahmed Ali who marched into Abyssinia on February 1892 AD/Rajab 1309 HJ then attacked Dajaj Bitiwah who fled before the Mahdist armies and which burned a large number of houses and captured a lot of men and women then Dajaj asked for conciliation which was rejected by Ahmed Ali on condition of entering Islam ([31]).

A campaign moved from Gallabat to the area of Gupta inside the Abyssinian land on 4th of April 1892 AD/6th of Ramadan 1309 HJ this campaign killed Plata Tifri then clashed with Abyssinian force included the head Hagous, Dajaj Burhi, Dajaj Tifri and Dajaj Dasta where Ahmed managed to defeat them and no body survived but Dajaj Tafri and Garza Maj and Ahmed beheaded them then send their heads to the Caliph Abdullah in Omdurman. Ahmed took advantage of the state of internal conflict in Abyssinia between the head Mangsha and the King Melik and it turned out that Mahdia pursued the harsh way with Abyssinian besides inviting them to Islam ([32]).

The Impact of Italian Colonization on Mahdia-Abyssinia Relations:

As a result of the rise of the Italian danger that threatens Abyssinia besides being preoccupied with internal problems the King Menlik pursued friendly policy with Mahdia. In 1893 AD/Rajab 1310 HJ Dajaj Bitiwah the governor of Gulga asked to open the trade route with Gallabat plus sending taxes imposed by Zaki Tambal with his messenger Majaz Tasma which is 200 Riyal Abu Nugta, eight quintal of coffee and a horse ([33]).

After the victories achieved by the Italians against Abyssinian asked the Italian commander Baratpere asked the head Mnaksha to demobilize his army taking advantage of disagreement with Menlik and to attack at the same time Mahdia forces but head Mnaksha didn’t answer this letter and pursued to improve his relations with Mahdia state besides sending number of his followers to the prince Ahmad Fadhil in Gedaref as he sent his son to Gedaref where he has been highly welcomed. After this incident obvious rapprochement took place between Abyssinia and Mahdia on country level, whereas on domestic level rapprochement also took place between Melink and Mangsha which reflected negatively on the occupying Italian forces in Abyssinia, which urged Italian general Baratiri to mobilize a force of 3,500 troops by end of 1894 AD to face the triple alliance ([34]).

Italians were in great danger as a result of agreement between Mahdist state and Abyssinia and if they were attacked from the area of Kasala and Abyssinian from inside that will lead to collapse of transportation roads between Kasala and Massawa, at that time the Mahdist forces were monitoring movement of Italian forces in Kasala, Mahdia managed to attack Italian forces in Malwiya in 1895 AD and was able to kill the Italian commander Harouda, deep inside Abyssinia the Italian entered into war with head Manksha on 13th of January 1895 AD as a result head Manksha was defeated then retreated to Sinaf and his troops suffered from significant losses ([35]). 

Tracking Abyssinian relations with Mahdia State we find that this relations went through three phases where the first phase began with the Imam Mahdi when he sent his letter of invitation to the king of Abyssinia John, the second stage when the Caliph Abdullah repeated the same letter to the King John but with no response then sent another letter to the King Menlik who refused the proposal of the Caliph Abdullah but he tried to normalize his relations with the state of Mahdia driven by internal conflicts about the throne and Italian danger to Abyssinia. Despite their attempts to establish a strategic alliance with Mahdia, the Caliph Abdullah wasn’t enthusiastic about this alliance and when he was offered on the late days of the State of Mahdia to raise the French flag on its northern borders by Abyssinian he refused on account of he wouldn’t replace a colonization with another one.

Mahdia Foreign Relations with West of Africa:

Since he was in Gadir the Imam Mahdi began his foreign relations by sending a number of letters to some leaders and clerics among those Sultan Yusuf Sultan Bargo (Wdai) and through him sent to Sheikh Mohammed Mahdi Al-Sanusi Senussi leader in Libya, who offered him the position of the third caliph, and sent to the Sheikh Hayatou bin Said, the grandson of Sheikh Uthman Danfodiyo as well as commander Rabih Fadul one of the leaders of Zubair Basha Rahma. During the first stage in Gadir, the Imam Mahdi focused on the areas of West Africa and central Sudan due to the spread of the idea of ​​Mahdia and anticipation to appearance of the Mahdi in those areas ([36]).

The West African regions represented a good incubator for the deployment of Mahdia call and to accept it, a number of factors helped in this including African tribes themselves and their enthusiasm for the idea of ​​Mahdia in addition to influence of the Caliph Abdullah which helped the Imam Mahdi moving with his call toward west plus geographic location of the Mahdist revolution camping in Gadir and moving toward west Sudan and west Africa, for all these reasons the Mahdi went on sending his letters to west Africa ([37]).

The Imam Mahdi was interested in Sultanate of Wadai that appeared in the letters sent by the Mahdi to the people of that country in general and Sultan Mohammad Yousuf bin Sultan Mohammad Sharif in particular, the Imam Mahdi asked Sultan Mohammad Yousuf to believe in Mahdia and follow him, when Sultan Mohammad Yousuf received those letters he didn’t know what to do with the call of Mahdia, therefore, he contacted Muhammad Mahdi al-Sanusi in Libya, who responded with (…leave him alone and in case he invaded your land then fight him back and you’ll win with God help…) ([38])

Sultan Mohammad Yousuf the first followed the advice of Senoussi then we find that he had written to the Imam Mahdi believing in his call as well as sending a number of gifts to the Mahdi. The Mahdi sent another letter to Sultan Mohammad Yousuf thanked him for the gifts and assured him that sending him a banner, jubbah, skullcap and turban urged him at the same time to migrate to Dar Alsalam ([39]).

By sending the banner of Mahdia to Wadai, the Mahdi aimed to make the Sultanate under the subordination of Mahdia and it turned out that Sultan Mohammed Yusuf was not willing to get involved in a conflict with the Mahdi.

The Imam Mahdi sent the third letter to Sultan Wadai, this letter was more clear than its predecessors where Mahdi asked Sultan Yousif to immigrate and to work on opening the road for immigrants from Wadai to Mahdia state ([40]).

After the death of the Mahdi and inauguration of Caliph Abdullah, he continued to extend communication with Sultan Mohammad Yousuf Wadai but the latter was not enthusiastic about his relations with Caliph and Mahdia state probably due to the death of the Mahdi that led to this apathy in the relations between two parties ([41]).

Mahdia-Sheikh Hyato bin Said Relations:

After the victory at the battle of Shaikan in November 1883 AD the Mahdi worked on sending letters to the people of Sikttia state in West Africa and he relied on tribal support in appointing princes inside and outside Sudan, he relied on these countries opposition groups as well as he relied on religious state in selection of prince or worker, one of those who have been selected by the Mahdi in West Africa is Sheikh Hyato bin Said the grandson of Sheikh Uthman Danfodiyo who became the prince of Mahdia in Takror country, although Sheikh Hayato didn’t have sufficient military force to defend his land but the Mahdi insisted to appoint him where he said: “…we have appointed you on the people of Sikt who followed your grand-father Othman bin Fodio may Allah be pleased with him and were belonged to him…”  ([42])

The Imam Mahdi asked Hyato to immigrate to revive the religion and because he is renowned of deep knowledge of religion and righteousness and mentioned he wrote him three times and aspire to receive him and those with him ([43]).

In selection of Sheikh Hayato it’s possible the Mahdi based on latter status to Sheikh Othman therefore, he was appointed prince on Takror land.

Also the Mahdi appointed Mohamed Al-Amin Ahmed on Mali under principality of Hayato bin Said this way he becomes the most prestigious figure in West Africa and at the same time following Mahdi and Mahdia, also he appointed Salih Bin Mohammed Damrak on Lagni and under principality of Hayato bin Said as well, then after inauguration of Caliph Abdullah in Omdurman, Sheikh Hayato invaded Takror land but he didn’t succeed in his mission due to two reasons:-

  1. Lack of political and military support. 
  2. The early death of Mahdi before the people of Sakto pledged allegiance to Hayato bin Said.

Hayato was confronted with total rejection and resistance from Takror land’s princes then he asked them to pledge allegiance to him. He got involved in a number of battles, managed to win some and got defeated in some others, then he was forced to join Caliph Abdullah in Omdurman due to his frequent letters asking him to join the Caliph in the capital of Mahdia ([44]).

Abdul Ghaffar Mohammed believes that the motives of Hayatou bin Saeed to leave Sukat toward Omdurman are the internal pressure against him and failure to comply with his orders. Hayato moved toward Omdurman and met Rabih Fadlallah in Burno in the town of Mangfa, then he got married from the daughter of Rabih Fadlallah, based on this affinity the genus of Rabih Fadlallah united with the ambition Hayato Said ([45]).

Dispute between Rabeh Fadlallah and Hayatou bin Saeed arose when the later asked Rabeh to accede and join Caliph Abdullah in Omdurman and after Rabeh Fadlallah moved to meet the French army in 1898 AD near Lake Chad he left his son on charge, Hayato took the advantage and ran out but Rabeh Fadlallah chased and killed him with others ([46]).

Mahdia-Rabeh Fadlallah Relations:

After Rabeh Fadlallah established his state successfully around Lake Chad, the Imam heard of him and sought to adjoin him to Mahdia troops taken by his leadership capabilities and the desire of Mahdi to deliver Mahdia to those areas of Lake Chad so if the Mahdi succeeded in his attempt Rabeh Fadul will be one of the military arms of Mahdia outside Sudan. The Mahdi sent a letter to Rabeh Fadul in 1884 AD who was currently living in town of Gonda in Central Africa by Zain Al-Abdin and Sharaf Gabir where he asked him to join the Mahdi’s troops in Khartoum, number of banners and circulars have been delivered to Rabeh Fadul and he began marching toward Omdurman ([47]).

Meanwhile, he heard of the death of the Mahdi in 1885 AD and decided to return to Dar Koti and Wad Banda areas. After Caliph Abdullah was inaugurated, he sent his worker in Darfour Othman Adm (Jano) to Rabeh Fadlallah asking him to acknowledge him as the successor of the Mahdi and to fly the flag of Mahdia within areas under his control. Despite that all, Rabeh Fadlallah did not respond to the request of Caliph Abdullah, but he began to use ratib and banners of the Mahdi to attract followers ([48]).

Then Rabeh Fadlallah tried to call Caliph Abdullah in Omdurman to consult him regarding areas that he controlled and added to Mahdia, but when he arrived at the town of Rio in French Congo he met Faki Noah Almahasi and Faki Adam Dagour Albarnawi and he asked them about conditions and situations in Omdurman, they said that Caliph Abdullah took exclusively possession of power and warned him of traveling to Omdurman so Caliph might crush him therefore, he forgot about the idea of meeting Caliph ([49]).

Although Rabeh Fadlallah didn’t meet Caliph Abdullah but he believes in Mahdia and worked on coining which known by Riyal Abu Tera which is the coin of Rabeh Fadlallah with the name of the Mahdi, the relations between Rabeh and Caliph progressed when he sent him a number of horses in 1887 AD which encouraged Caliph Abdullah to urge Rabeh to join him and induced him to stop the threat of Sultan Mohammad Yousuf Sultan Wadai ([50]).

Tracking Mahdia-Rabeh Fadlallah relations we find that the Mahdi and Caliph Abdullah sought to create a good relation with this man and then to induce him to spread Mahdia in the Lake Chad and Central Sudan which allows Mahdia to expand in area that’s considered a new depth for Mahdia in Africa strategic-wise.

The Impact of Victories of Imam Mahdi over the External Expansion of Mahdia:

After the victories achieved by the Imam Mahdi in the battle of the island of Aba against Mohammed Abu Saud forces and in Gader against Rashid Bik Ayman and Youssef Alshallali and the great victory after liberation of Obied city and elimination of Hicks Basha forces, the Imam Mahdi received groups from outside Sudan from Morocco and he appointed a person named Mohammed Algali a prince on Marrakesh and sent to the ruler of Fas Alhasan bin Mohammed bin Abdulrahman telling him of his reasons behind appointing Algali on Marrakesh, at the same time he wrote to the people of Fas inviting them to get engaged in the path of Mahdia telling them of appointing of Altayeb Ahmed as a worker for them, also he appointed Alhag Abdullah Alkahal a worker on the Levant ([51]).

Morocco-Mahdia Relations:

The Imam Mahdi tried to work on creating strong relation between Mahdia in Sudan and Maghreb through Moroccan who were working in trade between Sudan and Egypt, the Moroccan merchant Altayeb Albnani mentioned that when he arrived Barber with his trade it has been confiscated for the benefit of money house in 1885 AD and he met the Mahdi and agreed to spread Mahdia in Maghreb after he was nominated by a number of Moroccan merchants, the Mahadi agreed and wrote him a message in May 1885 AD/25th of Ragab 1302 HJ to Al-Hassan bin Mohammed Bin Abdelrahman (Sultan Al-Hassan first) Sultan of Morocco explaining to Sultan Al-Hassan first reason of selecting Mohammed Algali to become a worker on Fas ([52]).

The Mahdi mentioned in his message to Sultan Al-Hassan that he chose Mohammed Algali but in the same time if the people wished to be a prince on them we authorized you, but on the condition that Mohammed Algali to work tirelessly to establish the religion and to fight disbelievers in his country and he asked him to fully co-operate with Abdul Khaliq Alsabti and Altayeb Albnani in order to support religion ([53]).

In another message in May 1885 AD/11th of Shaban 1302 HJ the Mahdi sent a message to the people of Marakish inviting them to follow Mahdia and telling them that Altayeb Albnani was appointed a worker for them (…beloved brother establishing religion is one of the most important tasks, where it needs partisanship, assembly and agreement we decided to appoint you on the people of Marakish…) the Mahadi assured Altayeb Albnani that this emirate was held to him on condition not to deviate from teaching of Mahdia and gave him a license to move through Barbar areas and North of Sudan, it went (…our son Alhaji Ahmed Mohammed Abdullah Kojaly obeyed instructions of the master the Imam Mahdi…to deport our beloved Alhag Altayeb Albnani Almagribi from Fas and Mr. Idris Bu Galib with their families, give them all camels,  water bladders and supplies they need and a trusted expert to accompany them and treat them generously according to master instructions and to fulfill all their needs then hand them over these orders…) ([54]).

Despite the messages sent by the Mahdi and its dependence on local leaders in delivery of Mahdia to the people of those areas such Morocco and Levant the Mahdi overlooked something important that the nature of these regions differs from Sudan and that the success of Mahdia is uncertain and that it wouldn’t find the same acceptance it founded in Sudan, the Mahadi expressed his ambition to spread Mahdia outside Sudan through the presence of the Prophet where the Prophet peace be upon him said: (…as well as you prayed in the mosque of Obeid you’ll pray in the mosque of Egypt then the mosque of Iraq then the mosque of Kofa…) ([55]).

Noam Shygair mentioned that many delegations attended due to his victories in India, Hijaz and Maghreb in order to listen to his news and to know about the truth of his victories, if Mahdi lived for long and succeeded more he was entitled to change events in Islamic Orient and to become a prestigious figure ([56]).

Relations of Mahdia with Senussi Movement in Libya:

The Mahdi was interested in Senussi in Libya, where the Imam targeted to threaten Egypt and unification of the call perhaps due to the similarity of two calls, the Mahdi suggested to Senussi the position of the third Caliph Othman Bin Affan but Senussi didn’t accept that. The Mahadi sent another letter in 12th of May 1883 AD/5th of Ragab 1300 HJ with Altahir Ishag Alzagawi to Caliph Mohammed Senussi in oasis Jagboub ([57]).

But the Mahdi didn’t get any response from Senussi and the reason for this is that Senussi had been looking for Mahdia as a call based on the intensity which is incompatible with the traditions of Senussi peaceful efforts to build a society based on state-building and the development of its resources away from violence ([58]).

After liberating of Obeid Wingent mentioned that an envoy from Senussi came through Wadai Kingdom and when he arrived Obeid he wasn’t that happy due to the sight of destruction and devastation of the city so he returned across the same way ([59]).

In the letter sent by Mahdi to Senussi in Ragab 1300 HJ (…from poor to God Mohammed Almahadi Bin Alsaid Abdellah to his beloved Caliph Mohammed Almahadi bin Alwali Alsonoussi…O beloved standing on the Sunnah of the Prophet literary mentor we were waiting you to establish the religion and we wrote based on your righteousness and that you call for Allah based on Sunnah of the Prophet and your desire to revive the religion to come to you and meet up with you but you didn’t answer back…) ([60]).

The Invitation of the Mahdi to Senussi was frank but he refused to join Mahdia that why the Mahdi in same letter suggest that Senussi must fight Turks in Egypt and adjacent areas with Libya or to join the Mahdi to work together against enemies of religion ([61]).

In 1888 AD the Mahdi sent a number of letters including his letter to Senussi in Libya asking him to join Mahdia after that letter which he didn’t reply to, Caliph Abdullah blamed Senussi that he didn’t answer the call of Mahdia despite the Mahdi honored him with succession of our master Othman Bin Affan ([62]).

Mahdia-Hijaz Relations:

Some princes in Arabian Peninsula tried to take advantage of Mahdia to achieve their personal goals and enhance their standing in the local surroundings, where Huzaifa bin Saad Al-Ahmadi from Hijaz sent a message to the Mahadi that arrived after his death announcing his subservience to the Mahdi so Caliph Abdullah appointed him a prince of all tribes of Hijaz at the same time calling for Mahdia and work to ignite revolution in Hijaz and to kick out Turks from the two holly mosques ([63])

One of the reasons that motivated the tribes of the Hijaz to join the Mahdist is victories achieved by Osman Digna in eastern Sudan and to keep his position the prince of the two holly mosques Othman Nour Aldin wrote to the Mahdi announces his response to Mahdia at the same time announces full readiness to work under the banner of Mahdia in the Hijaz ([64]).

A delegation came to Khartoum in the late days of the Mahdi and after liberation of Khartoum, Othman Nour Aldin appointed the governor of the two holly mosques a worker on Hijaz ([65]).

Caliph Abdullah used the same approach of the Mahdi to send messages to various Islamic countries which have been different from the Imam Mahdi and the difference necessitated by the stage where the Mahdia turned from a revolution into state stage, Caliph worked on appointing governors by the name of Mahdist state. Therefore, after the death of Mahdi in 1885 AD the prince of Nagd Abdullah Faisal bin Saud reached Omdurman, at that time he was in conflict with his brother Saud and another conflict against the prince of Hail Mohammed Rashid Hail Amir who was leading a major expansion movement against Nagd ([66]).

The prince of Nagd Faisal bin Soud wanted to find an alliance with Mahdist state, therefore, Caliph Abdullah appointed him a prince on Nagd in 1886 AD under the banner of Mahdist state, in the same year Caliph Abdullah wrote to a number of Hijaz tribes’ leaders such as Quraysh, Kuzaa, Bishr, Zaid and many others asking them to believe in Mahdia also Caliph Abdullah appointed Huzifa bin Zeid the leader of Ahamida a prince on these tribes and a worker on Hijaz tribes ordered him to continue fighting against Turks, Caliph Abdullah warned him to never attack the Turkish governor in Mecca or Medina unless he refused to accept the Mahdist calling ([67]).  

Caliph Abdullah used to reminding Hijaz and Nagd tribes and we find that the Mahdist state is the second lighthouse after Hijaz (the holly two mosques) also Caliph Abdullah seriously sought to win loyalty of these tribes because it gives Mahdia a deal of religious force and at the same time to complete the religious message of the Mahdi and to transform Mahdist revolution from the stage of fighting Turks to reach the land of revelation and holy areas in Hijaz ([68]).

Caliph Abdullah wrote to the people of Medina in 23rd of Shawal 1303 HJ asking them to join Mahdia and to fight Turks after been warned, if they couldn’t face Turks they had to join Prince Huzifa bin Saad, also the should rush to join Mahdia and stay committed ([69]).

Jamal Al Din Al Afgani and Mahdia in Sudan:

Sudan got influenced by Orabi Revolution in Egypt and after Ahmed Alawam was exiled to Sudan he continued to struggle against British colonization with Mahdist Revolution where he wrote his message (the message of Awam to private and public), there was complete agreement between the reformist movements and Islamic thinkers that Britain was working to break up Islamic unity, so it was Jamal al-Afghani and his student Muhammad Abduh had tried to take advantage of the Mahdist Revolution in Sudan and the position of Mahdi from Britain and continuous defeats of the empire that the sun never sets by urging Muslims to resist colonialism through presenting the Sudanese model as a successful model of resistance ([70]).

Sheikh Jamal Al-din Afgani was preparing through following up the Mahdist Revolution and its successive victories to send Imam Abdu to Sudan, after arrival of this information to British Intelligence they worked on investigating Imam Abdu arguing that he began to gather weapons in order to send them to rebels in Sudan. In the newspaper of Orwa Wothga Jamal Aldin Afgani and Imam Mohammed Abdu discussed Mahdist Revolution in Sudan in an attractive way so all Muslims around the globe were taken by, then Mahdist Revolution affected Bukari, Afganistan, Turkistan and Renan ([71]).

When Britain felt the gravity of the role played by Afghani and Muhammad Abduh in fomenting Islamic peoples against them they were keen to question Mahdia as main threat to Egypt so Imam Mohammed Abdu replied with “…Mahdi movement represents no danger to Egypt, but the danger is you being here…” after that Britain failed to win over Mohammed Abdu tended to win over the Afghani and presented him an invitation to come to Paris to discuss Mahdia and offered him to be Sultan of Sudan so he responded with “…strange assign and political foolishness, do you own Sudan so to send a Sultan….) ([72]).

His response to British was powerful and eloquent, this way he consider Mahdia one of the liberation movements that broke out in Islamic world, Afgani believes that Britain is the first enemy for Islamic nation and the main reason for all its problem, and if they left Islamic world, Muslims can manage their affairs with ease.


Since early days in 1881 AD Mahdia sought to win all battles against Turkish-Egyptian rule which was the main objective at that time, but after crucial victories against Turkish-Egyptian rule, the Mahdi moved toward openness towards outside world to introduce Mahdia and call upon for support, based on the concept of universal call of Mahdia the Mahdi worked on sending messages to everyone associated with Sudan so he sent to the Ottoman Sultan, the Khedive of Egypt and the Queen Victoria. In the African surroundings the Imam Mahdi and his successor targeted West Africa due to so many social and cultural bonds link Sudan to these areas, also he sent to the people of Egypt, Hijaz and Levant and he mentioned that he will open Egypt, Hijaz and Levant so he had to pave the way for potential opening by sending letters to induce its people within near future. This line in foreign relations and sending messages never stopped after the death of the Mahdi where Caliph Abdullah followed the same approach to assume the role of the Mahdi therefore, he sent plenty of letters calling up for Mahdia. Caliph Abdullah ran the foreign affairs file looking forward to finding acceptance from targeted people but he got disappointed and these letters didn’t find required support then Mahdia got trapped from outside till fell in 1899 AD.


First: Sources:

a. Documents:

1. Mahadia, Sent Journal/5 from Al-Khalifa AbdAllah to Al-Kunoz 9/Rabei' Al-Awal 1303Hijri.

2. Mahadia 1/28/65, from Ahmed Ali to Al-Khalifa AbdAllah, 4/Rajab 1308Hijri.

3. Mahadia 1/28/2, from Ahmed Ali to Al-Khalifa AbdAllah, 8/Rabei' Al-Akhar 1309Hijri

4. Mahadia 1/28/2, from Ahmed Ali to Al-Khalifa AbdAllah, 6/Sha'aban 1309Hijri.

5. Mahadia 1/28/2, from Ahmed Ali to Al-Khalifa AbdAllah, 16/Ramadan 1309Hijri.

6. Mahadia, Sent Journal/5 from Mohamed Ahmed Al-Mahdi to Hayato bin Saeed, 7/Ramadan 1302Hijri.

7. Mahadia/Sent/5 from Al-Khalifa AbdAllah to Huzaifa bin Saeed Al-Ahmdi, 21/Shawal 1302Hijri.

b. Source Books:

1. Ismaeel AbdAlgadir Alkurdofani, Ethiopian Sudanese War 1885-1888, investigation of Mohamed Ebraheem Abusaleem, Mohamed Saeed Al-Gaddal, Dar Al-Jabal, Beirut, 1991.

2. Joseph Orphald, Ten Years of Detention in Mahadi's Camps (Translation) Awad Ahmed Mohamed Aldaw, Al-Tamadun Print Ltd. Khartoum, 2008.

3. Naom Shgeir, Geography and History of Sudan, Azza Publishing, Khartoum, 2007.

4. The Full Remaining of all I mam Almahadi, Volume 2, (by Mohamed Ebraheem Abusaleem), University of Khartoum Press.

5. F. R., Al-Mahadia and the Egyptian Sudan (Translation) Mohamed Al-Mustafa Hassan  Azza Publishing, 2009, Khartoum.

Second: Arabic References:

1. Ahmed Sama Jido Mohamed Al-Nour, The Referendum Role of Rabih Fadhl Allah within the valley of Lake Chad and its Relation to Al-Mahadia  1893-1900, Sudan Open University Press,2012.

2. Basheer Koko Himeeda, Pages from The Turkey and Mahadia (Regimes), Al-Irshad Press, Khartoum 1969.

3. Mohamed Ebraheem Abusaleem, the Intellectual Movement of Al-Mahdia, Second Print, Al-Jeel Press, Beirut, 1981.

4. Mohamed Saeed Al-Gaddal, Sudan Modern History, African Mushaf Press, Second Print, Khartoum, 2002.

5. ... Al-Mahadia and Ethiopia, a Study of The Internal and External Policies of the Mahadia State, 1881-1898, Al-Jeel Press, Beirut 1992.

6. Mohamed Baha'a Aldeen Al-Ghamrawi, The Mahadia Movement and Its Influence on the Sudanese-Egyptian Relations, Ozz Rees Library, Cairo, 1994.

7. Makki Shibeika, Sudan and The Mahadia Revolution, Part4, University of Khartoum Press, Khartoum 1984.

8. Abd Al-Ghaffar Mohamed Ali, the Influence of Political and Economical Factors in the Fall of the Mahadia State 1881-1898, Asdaf Publishing, Khartoum, 2005.

9. Omer Abdar'razig Alnagar, Studies in the History of Al-Mahadia, Volume1, Khartoum, 1981.

10. Azzam Abubakr Ali Al-Tayeb, The Relation between Al-Khaleefa AbdAllah Al-Ta'aeshi and the Tribes of Sudan 1885-1898, University of Khartoum Press, Khartoum, 1992.

11. Rehab Jalal Aldeen Khalid Sheekh Aldeen, Al-Khalifa AbdAllah and Political Decision-Making in the Mahadia State 1885-1899, Afaq Publishing, Khartoum, 2008.

12. Fatima Omer Al-Agib, Ethiopian-Sudanese Relations, The Geopolitics Game in the African, Possibilities of Creating New Grounds of Cooperation, Papers of the Fourth Conference of African Universities, Africa International University, the Fourth Book, Khartoum, 2006.

Thirdly: Scientific Researches.

1. Nour Aldeen Mohamed Ibraheem, Relations of Mahadia State with Ethiopia, and the Influence of International Factors, Unpublished Master's Degree Paper, Cairo University 1977.

2. Huda Musa Hasan, The Connection between Almahadia and Western Sudan, Unpublished Research, University of Al-Zaeem Al-Azhari, 2009.

Fourthly: Scientific Journals.

AbdAl-Hadi Al-Tazi, the message of the Mahadi of Sudan to Al-Sultan Mawlay Al-Hasan, Da'wat Al-Haq Journal, a monthly journal about Islamic studies and matters of intellectuality and culture, Kingdom of Morocco, Ministry of Awqaf and Islamic Affairs, 51st year, issue no. 268, Safar1434Hijri, January 2013.

([1]) Ahmed Sama Gdo Mohammed Nour, the reforming and calling role for Rabeh Fadullah in Lake Chad & his relations with Mahdia (1893-1900 AD) Sudan University publications 2012 AD, Page 61  

([2]) op. Cit., page 62

([3]) Rehab Jalal Aldin Khalid Shaik Aldin, Calip Abdullah and making of political decision in Mahdist state  (1885-1899) Horizons printing, 2008 AD, Page 46

([4]) Mohammed Ibrahim Abu Salim, intellectual movement of Mahdia, Dar Algabal, Beirut, 1981 AD, Page 29

([5]) Mohammmed Saeid Algaddal, the history of modern Sudan, Dar Moshaf Africa for printing and publication, V2, Khartoum, 2002 AD, Page 275

([6]) Joseph Orfald 10 years of captivity in the camp of the Mahdi 1882-1892 AD (translation) Awad Ahmed Mohammed Aldaw,  Altamadun limited printing house, Khartoum 2008 AD, page 289

([7])Mohammmed Saeid Algaddal, the history of modern Sudan, op. Cit., page 275

([8]) Abdel Gafar Mohammed Ali, the impact of political and economic factors in the collapse of Mahdist state 1881-1898 AD Asdaf for printing and advertisement, Khartoum 2004 AD, page 144  

([9]) Abdel Gafar Mohammed Ali, op. Cit.,, page 146

([10]) Mahdia/notebook issued/5 from the Caliph Abdullah to Kunoz 9 Rabei Alawal 1303 HJ, p. 20.

([11]) Abdul Ghaffar Muhammad Ali, op. Cit., P. 148.

([12]) Rehab Jalaluddin, op. Cit., P. 153

([13]) Noam Shaqayr, geography and history of Sudan, Dar Azza for printing and publishing, Khartoum, 2007 AD, 1011.

([14]) op. Cit., p. 1013 

([15]) Noam Shaqayir, op. Cit., P. 1015.

([16]) op. Cit., p. 1019-1020

([17]) Mohammed Saeed Algaddal, Mahdia and Abyssinia, a study in domestic and foreign policy of the State of Mahdia, (1881-1898 AD), generation printing house, Beirut, 1992 AD, p. 38

([18]) Mohammed Saeed Algaddal, Mahdia and Abyssinia, previous reference, P. 38-39.

([19]) op. Cit., p. 39 

([20]) op. Cit., p. 39-40

([21]) Mohammed Saeed Algaddal, Mahdia and Abyssinia, op. Cit., P. 40.

([22]) Ismail Abdul Qadir Kurdfani, Abyssinian Sudanese War, (1885-1888 AD), (fashioned Tiraz in the death of the King of Abyssinian John), (investigation) Mohammed Ibrahim Abu Saleem, Mohammed Saeed Algaddal, generation printing house, Beirut, 1991 AD, p. 58.

([23]) Fatma Omar Aqub, the Sudanese-Ethiopian relations geopolitical game in the Horn of Africa, the possibility of creating a new platform for cooperation, papers of scientific conference, Forum of African Universities, Africa International University, the fourth book, Khartoum, 2006 AD, p. 163.

([24]) Noam Shaqayir, geography and history of Sudan, op. Cit., P 1064.

([25]) op. Cit., p. 1076-1077.

([26]) op. Cit., P. 1077

([27]) Noordin Mohammad Ibrahim, Mahdist State-Abyssinia relations and the impact of international factors on them, Master Thesis, (unpublished), Cairo University, 1977 AD, p. 133.

([28]) Mahdia 1/28 / 0.65 from Ahmed Ali to Caliph Abdullah 4 Rajab 1308 HJ, p. 1.

([29]) Noordin Mohammad Ibrahim, previous reference., P. 134

([30]) Mahdia 1/28/2, from Ahmed Ali to Caliph Abdullah 8 Rabie Akhir, 1309 HJ 27.

([31]) Mahdia 1/28/2 from Ahmed Ali to Caliph Abdullah, 6 Sha'ban, 1309 HJ, p. 59.

([32]) Mahdia 1/28/2 from Ahmed Ali to Caliph Abdullah 16 Ramadan 1309 HJ 67.

([33]) Noor Aldin Mohammad Ibrahim, op. Cit., P. 137.

([34]) Noor Aldin Mohammad Ibrahim, op. Cit., P. 166.

([35]) Ibid, P. 176.

([36]) Mohammed Saeed Algaddal, modern history of Sudan, (1820- 1955 AD), Koran Africa for Printing and Publishing, Khartoum, 2nd Edition, 2002 AD p. 273.

([37]) Ibid, P. 274.

([38]) Omar Abdel-Razeq Alnagar, Studies in the History of Mahdia, Vol 1, 1981 AD Khartoum, p. 171-174.

([39]) Huda Musa Hassan, Mahdia relations with western Sudan (unpublished), Alzaiem Alazhari University, 2009 AD, p. 5.

([40]) Omer Abdel-Razeq Alnagar, op. Cit., P. 172.

([41]) Huda Musa Hassan, op. Cit., P. 6.

([42]) Mahdia/notebook issued/5 from Muhammad Ahmad Mahdi to Saeed Hayatou 7 Ramadan 1302 AH, p. 6.

([43]) The full remains of the Imam Mahdi, Vol 2, (collection and investigation) Mohammed Ibrahim Abu Saleem, University of Khartoum printing house for publication, (b. T.), p. 153-154.

([44]) Abdull Ghaffar Muhammad Ali, op. Cit., p. 196-197.

([45]) Ibid, P. 197.

([46]) Abdul Ghaffar Mohammed Ali, op. Cit., P. 198.

([47]) Ahmed Sama Guido, op. Cit., p. 67-68.

([48]) Ibid, P. 70.

([49]) Ahmed Sama Guido, op. Cit., p. 70-71.

([50]) Ibid., P. 72

([51]) Mohammed Saeed Algaddal, modern history of Sudan, op. Cit., P. 274.

([52]) Abdelhadi Tazi, the message of the Mahdi of Sudan to the Sultan Moulay Hassan, the magazine of righteous call, a monthly magazine dealing with Islamic studies and culture and thought, the Kingdom of Morocco, the Ministry of Awqaf and Islamic Affairs, the Fifty-first year, No. 268, Safar 1434 HJ / January 2013 AD, p. 20.

([53]) Abdelhadi Tazi, op. Cit., P. 21.

([54]) Ibid, P. 23.

([55]) Mohammed Saeed Algaddal, modern history of Sudan, op 0.275.

([56]) Noam Shaqayir, geography and history of Sudan, op. Cit., P. 951.

([57]) Ibid, P. 707.

([58]) Muhammad Bahauddin Ghamrawy, Mahdist movement and its impact on the Egyptian-Sudanese relations, Library of Oz Reese, Cairo, 1994 AD, p. 37.

([59]) F. Ore. Wingint, Mahdia and Sudanese Egypt, (translation) Mohammed Mustafa Hassan, Azza Printing and Publishing house, Khartoum, 2009 AD, p. 110-111.

([60]) Makki Shbeika, Sudan and the Mahdist Revolution, C 4, Khartoum University Press, Khartoum, 1984 AD, p 88.

([61]) Ibid, P. 89.

([62])Bashir Koko Hemida, pages of Turkish and Mahdia, Guidance printing house, Khartoum, 1969 AD, p. 233.

([63])Abdul Ghaffar Muhammad Ali, op. Cit., P. 200

([64]) Mahdia/issued/5 from Caliph Abdullah to Huzaifa bin Saeed Al-Ahmadi 21 Shawwal 1302 HJ, p. 27-28.

([65]) Mohammed Ibrahim Abu Saleem, intellectual movement of Mahdia, 2nd Edition, Generation printing house, Beirut, 1981 AD, p. 30.

([66]) Mohammed Saeed Algaddal, modern history of Sudan, op. Cit., P. 277.

([67]) Mohammed Saeed Algaddal, modern history of Sudan, op. Cit., P. 277-278

([68]) Azzam Abu Bakr Ali Altayeb, the relations between Caliph Abdallah bin Muhammad and the tribes of Sudan (1885-1898 AD), Khartoum University Press, Khartoum, 1992 AD, p. 39.                              

([69]) Noam Shqayir, op. Cit., P. 1024.

([70]) Abdul Ghaffar Muhammad Ali, op. Cit., P. 203-204.

([71]) Ibid, Pp. 204-205.

([72]) Abdul Ghaffar Muhammad Ali, op. Cit., P. 206.

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